FRANCISCO FRANCO AND THE FORMATION OF THE IDEOLOGY OF THE RIGHT ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE MAGAZINE ACCIÓN ESPAÑOLA

2021 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 260-277
Author(s):  
Georgy Filatov ◽  

The article examines the role of the magazine Acción Española in the formation of the ideology of the right-wing forces during the Second Spanish Republic. Its proclamation found the right-wing groups in Spain in a weakened state. The reason for this was their fragmentation, as well as the banning of all parties during the dictatorship of Miguel Primo de Rivera. The establishment of a republic with its leftist charac-ter caused a tendency towards reorganization of both the right-wing forces themselves and their ideology. It is for this purpose that the magazine Acción Española was created. It became a place where repre-sentatives of different ideological currents of the right spectrum pub-lished their doctrines. Subsequently, their elements will form the basis of the ideology of Francoism. This will be greatly facilitated by the fact that many of the magazine's authors will at first enter the party and state apparatus of the new regime.

Author(s):  
Yochai Benkler ◽  
Robert Faris ◽  
Hal Roberts

This chapter focuses on the role of the dominant player in conservative media, Fox News, during the first year of Donald Trump’s presidency. It looks at three case studies to illustrate how Fox News used its position at the core of the right-wing media ecosystem repeatedly to mount propaganda attacks in support of Trump: the Michael Flynn firing in March 2017, when Fox adopted the “deep state” framing of the entire controversy; the James Comey firing and Robert Mueller appointment in May 2017; when Fox propagated the Seth Rich murder conspiracy; and in October and November, when the arrests of Paul Manafort and guilty plea of Flynn seemed to mark a new level of threat to the president, Fox reframed the Uranium One story as an attack on the integrity of the FBI and Justice Department officials in charge of the investigation.


1962 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 430-439
Author(s):  
José M. Sánchez

Few subjects in recent history have lent themselves to such heated polemical writing and debate as that concerning the Spanish Church and its relationship to the abortive Spanish revolution of 1931–1939. Throughout this tragic era and especially during the Civil War, it was commonplace to find the Church labelled as reactionary, completely and unalterably opposed to progress, and out of touch with the political realities of the twentieth century.1 In the minds of many whose views were colored by the highly partisan reports of events in Spain during the nineteen thirties, the Church has been pictured as an integral member of the Unholy Triumvirate— Bishops, Landlords, and enerals—which has always conspired to impede Spanish progress. Recent historical scholarship has begun to dispel some of the notions about the right-wing groups,2 but there has been little research on the role of the clergy. Even more important, there has been little understanding of the Church's response to the radical revolutionary movements in Spain.


1961 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 581-602 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geoffrey L. Goodwin

Charting the course of attitudes in Britain toward the United Nations is mainly a matter of defining small gradations within a fairly limited range, a range varying from sympathetic concern—and ritualistic commendation—at one end of the spectrum to barely dis uised indifference at the other. Among a small section of radical public opinion the Organization can still (August 1961) arouse fervent support, while the right-wing Beaverbrook press and its sympathizers lose few opportunities of pointing out its deficiencies. Nevertheless, during most of its fifteen years' existence, so far as public interest in Britain in its political activities is concerned, the limited impact the United Nations has had on most of the major issues of peace and war has discouraged “popular opinion” from waxing very enthusiastic-or bitter-about it; indeed, although a generally accepted part of international life, it has for long periods languished relatively unnoticed in a diplomatic backwater. Only at such moments of crisis as Korea, Suez, or the Congo, when the Organization has been forced into the mainstream of international politics has this rather tepid reaction been punctuated by heightened tension—and acrimony.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kjetil Klette Bøhler

This article investigates the role of music in presidential election campaigns and political movements inspired by theoretical arguments in Henri Lefebvre’s Rhythmanalysis, John Dewey ́s pragmatist rethinking of aesthetics and existing scholarship on the politics of music. Specifically, it explores how musical rhythms and melodies enable new forms of political awareness, participation, and critique in an increasingly polarized Brazil through an ethnomusicological exploration of how left-wing and right-wing movements used music to disseminate politics during the 2018 election that culminated in the presidency of Jair Messias Bolsonaro. Three lessons can be learned. First, in Brazil, music breathes life, energy, and affective engagement into politics—sung arguments and joyful rhythms enrich public events and street demonstrations in complex and dynamic ways. Second, music is used by right-wing and left-wing movements in unique ways. For Bolsonaro supporters and right-wing movements, jingles, produced as part of larger election campaigns, were disseminated through massive sound cars in the heart of São Paulo while demonstrators sang the national anthem and waved Brazilian flags. In contrast, leftist musical politics appears to be more spontaneous and bohemian. Third, music has the ability to both humanize and popularize bolsonarismo movements that threaten human rights and the rights of ethnic minorities, among others, in contemporary Brazil. To contest bolsonarismo, Trumpism, and other forms of extreme right-wing populism, we cannot close our ears and listen only to grooves of resistance and songs of freedom performed by leftists. We must also listen to the music of the right.


2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (3/4) ◽  
pp. 573-581 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gareth Norris

The resurgence in interest in authoritarianism has been linked to a rise in the acceptance of right-wing ideology and also restrictions on civil liberties, particularly in relation to surveillance and the right to privacy. Whilst we can observe simple correlations between these variables, the dynamics of threat are more complex to understand. The analysis reported here demonstrates how the relationship between authoritarianism and the curtailment of civil liberties is moderated by the threat of terrorism. Using 2005 British Social Attitudes survey data, collected either side of the 7/7 bombings, comparisons between the pre-post samples indicate that the threat of terrorism activates authoritarian tendencies and reduces the protection of rights to privacy from government. Interestingly and importantly, reactions to terrorism in the form of a change in opinion regarding civil liberties for those scoring higher in authoritarianism remained almost constant between the two periods. The results provide support for understanding how minority opinions (removal of rights to privacy) can become majority views during times of threat.


2014 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 251-255
Author(s):  
Roland Lami

One of the institutions that has played a very important role in the post-communist period in Albania, is the International Monetary Fund (IMF). For pragmatic reasons or for guaranteeing their legitimacy, political parties have found it indispensable to cooperate with this institution. But, if we consider the role of the IMF from ideological perspectives, we would find that regardless of which party was in power (Socialist Party or Democratic Party) the respective government still has to follow its instructions and recommendations of a neoliberal nature.  This behavior has prevented political parties, especially those of the left wing, to get structured from the perspective of ideological profile.  For this reason, the entire discussion is mainly focused on the left-wing political perspective, as the principles of the right wing are closer to the IMF’s neoliberal philosophy, from the ideological standpoint.


1977 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 447-464 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael S. Lewis-Beck

What is the political role of the peasantry? Is it a source of revolution or reaction? For the Third World nations, where this is an issue of special importance, the answer is by no means clear. In the advanced capitalist countries, however, the political impact of peasants has become less ambiguous. Although Lipset once argued that radical consciousness in the United States had shown itself primarily through agrarian struggles, farmers have now evolved into perhaps the most conservative occupational group in America. Harrington Moore, considering the historical place of peasants in the modernization of France, England and Germany, details their revolutionary contribution. But, concerning more recent times, Huggett indicates that, in general, the peasants of Western Europe have expressed themselves politically through the parties of the Right. The contemporary evidence presented here demonstrates that these strong right-wing sentiments on the part of the peasantry persist.


Author(s):  
Christoffer Green-Pedersen

This chapter provides an analysis of party system attention to immigration based on the issue incentive model. Two questions are central, namely the general increase in attention to immigration and the pronounced increase in Denmark. Based on the issue incentive model, the issue of immigration shows the importance of problem information. The increased share of foreigners has, combined with the growth of radical right-wing parties, generated more attention to the issue. In all countries, the issue has become an established issue on the party system agenda. The chapter furthermore shows the crucial role of large, mainstream parties’ coalition considerations in explaining how issues can make it to the top of the party system agenda. Only in Denmark has a strong focus on immigration been attractive from a coalition perspective. Denmark is thus the only country studied where immigration has become a central issue in the competition between the large, mainstream parties for office.


1981 ◽  
Vol 86 ◽  
pp. 332-348 ◽  
Author(s):  
Genny Louie ◽  
Kam Louie

The death of Zhou Enlai a few months earlier gave the Qing Ming Festival in 1976 a special significance. The festival marks the traditional time to mourn the dead, and Zhou had been widely revered. It was generally felt that he had played a moderating role in the leadership, particularly in the turbulent period of the Cultural Revolution. His death created a political vacuum and the position of premier was left vacant. Conflict in the upper echelons of the Party had increased after the Fourth National Peoples’ Congress in January 1975 adopted as official policy Zhou Enlai's call for a concerted effort to modernize China's industry, agriculture, defence, science and technology. Opposition from those who believed that stressing economic goals would undermine political ones began to be reflected in the media as 1975 progressed. By the end of the year an attack had been launched on “the Right–wing deviationist wind.” Fears were aroused that if the left gained power, China might again face a period of chaos and disruption.


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