scholarly journals Civil War and the Resurgence of Anglo-Scottish Border Mentalities in the British Middle Shires, 1639–1645

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 33-53
Author(s):  
Tristan Griffin

For centuries the Anglo-Scottish borderlands were a region of weak government, endemic violence, border fortresses, and periodic full-scale wars. After the 1603 Union of the Crowns joined Scotland with England and Ireland, James VI & I attempted to pacify the “Middle Shires” of his new realm of “Great Britain.” Despite an apparently successful pacification, using the resources of both the Scottish and English states, the outbreak of the British Civil Wars in 1638 resulted in the region once again becoming militarized. This militarization followed many of the characteristics of the pre-1603 border security system: the renovation of border fortresses, cross-border raids, powerful noble magnates with cross-border political alliances, and the theft or attempted theft of cattle as a means of waging war.

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
Zhiding Hu ◽  
Victor Konrad

English Abstract: Formerly localized, restricted border interaction between China and Southeast Asia has shifted to extensive cross-border engagement along regulated borders with a hierarchy of crossings and expansive borderlands. This expanded security system reveals rescaled and repositioned border security infrastructure and practice into a point and corridor system with vanguard crossings at Hekou, Mohan and Ruili. Fundamental shifts are concurrent focus on primary crossings and spatially extensive borderlands that encompass diminished attention to lesser crossings, beyond the border implementation of security checkpoints, mobile security, and compromise, to enable effective management of expansive borderlands. These borderlands mediate space and enable spatial reapportionment of security to accommodate greatly enhanced cross-border flows of people, goods, and information, thus shaping extensive spaces of exclusion and integration and focused places of exception.Spanish Abstract: La anteriormente restringida interacción fronteriza China–Sudeste Asiático, cambió a un extenso compromiso de fronteras reguladas con una jerarquía de cruces y zonas transfronterizas expansivas. Este sistema ampliado de seguridad, revela la infraestructura y prácticas transfronterizas reescaladas y reubicadas como puntos y sistemas de corredores con cruces de vanguardia en Hekou, Mohan y Ruili. Los cambios se enfocan en los cruces primarios y extensión de fronteras, disminuyendo la atención a los cruces menores —después de la implementación de puntos de control de seguridad—, la seguridad móvil y el compromiso a una gestión fronteriza eficaz. Estas zonas permiten la redistribución espacial de la seguridad acomodando los intensificados flujos transfronterizos de personas, bienes e información, conformando espacios de exclusión e integración, así como lugares de excepción focalizados. French Abstract: L’interaction frontalière entre la Chine et l’Asie du Sud-Est, autrefois localisée et limitée, s’est transformée en un engagement transfrontalier réglementé avec une hiérarchie de passages et des zones frontalières étendues. Ce système de sécurité élargi révèle une infrastructure et une pratique de sécurité frontalière redimensionnées et repositionnées dans un système de points et de corridors avec des passages d’avant-garde à Hekou, Mohan et Ruili. Les changements fondamentaux se concentrent sur les principaux points de passage, les zones frontalières étendues, la mise en œuvre de points de contrôle de sécurité, la sécurité mobile et le compromis, pour permettre une gestion effi cace des zones frontalières étendues. Ces dernières permettre ent la médiation de l’espace et la réaffectation spatiale de la sécurité afin d’accueillir des fl ux transfrontaliers de personnes, de biens et d’informations considérablement accrus, façonnant ainsi de vastes espaces d’exclusion et d’intégration et des lieux d’exception ciblés.


Author(s):  
Jaroslav Tir ◽  
Johannes Karreth

After surveying the literature on the causes, consequences, and management of civil wars, we argue that novel ways of examining civil war management are needed. We advocate for a developmental view of civil wars in order to better understand how to prevent the escalation of low-level armed conflict to full-scale civil war. To prevent full-scale civil war, third parties need to (a) respond swiftly, (b) have the will and ability to impose tangible costs on (and offer benefits to) governments and rebels, and (c) remain involved over the long term. Our analysis shows that typical third-party civil war management approaches (mediation, peacekeeping, and intervention) fail to adequately address at least one of these issues. This motivates our argument in favor of focusing on a different type of third party that could arguably play a particularly constructive role in civil war prevention: highly structured intergovernmental organizations.


Mnemosyne ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 69 (3) ◽  
pp. 511-525 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Heerink

In his recent monograph (2012) Tim Stover has provided the first full-scale study of Valerius Flaccus’ interaction with Lucan’s Bellum Civile, arguing that the Argonautica restores epic after Lucan and optimistically supports Vespasian’s restoration of the Principate after the civil wars of 68-69 ad. Focusing on the ‘civil war’ between the Argonauts and the Doliones in Book 3 of Valerius’ epic, I will propose an alternative reading of the influence of Lucan as well as Virgil’s Aeneid. Although Valerius at first sight seems to set up the Cyzicus episode in Virgilian fashion, he in fact deconstructs this reading, revealing the impossibility of (re)writing an Aeneid in the Flavian age.


1983 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 443-458 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin F. Shapiro

During international or civil wars, private citizens of noncombatant nations often provide medical aid to one of the contending factions, particularly when they support a participant not favored by their own government. This paper details and analyzes the prominent campaign in the United States, Canada and Great Britain to provide medical aid to the Republicans during the Spanish Civil War (1936 to 1939). The substantial medical aid that was provided clearly alleviated some suffering, but one of the major objectives of the campaign was to arouse public opinion sufficiently to end the boycott of military aid to Republicans; this objective was never achieved. Whether it be in Republican Spain, Vietnam or El Salvador, even a successful medical aid campaign to people in a military conflict may save some lives but may not affect substantially the course of the conflict. Those who are primarily interested in influencing political or military developments, hoping to advance the cause of a particular contending faction, may find tactics other than medical aid campaigns more useful in accomplishing their goals.


2017 ◽  
pp. 142-155
Author(s):  
I. Rozinskiy ◽  
N. Rozinskaya

The article examines the socio-economic causes of the outcome of the Spanish Civil War (1936-1936), which, as opposed to the Russian Civil War, resulted in the victory of the “Whites”. Choice of Spain as the object of comparison with Russia is justified not only by similarity of civil wars occurred in the two countries in the XX century, but also by a large number of common features in their history. Based on statistical data on the changes in economic well-being of different strata of Spanish population during several decades before the civil war, the authors formulate the hypothesis according to which the increase of real incomes of Spaniards engaged in agriculture is “responsible” for their conservative political sympathies. As a result, contrary to the situation in Russia, where the peasantry did not support the Whites, in Spain the peasants’ position predetermined the outcome of the confrontation resulting in the victory of the Spanish analogue of the Whites. According to the authors, the possibility of stable increase of Spanish peasants’ incomes was caused by the nation’s non-involvement in World War I and also by more limited, compared to Russia and some other countries, spending on creation of heavy (primarily military-related) industry in Spain.


Author(s):  
Jaroslav Tir ◽  
Johannes Karreth

Civil wars are one of the most pressing problems facing the world. Common approaches such as mediation, intervention, and peacekeeping have produced some results in managing ongoing civil wars, but they fall short in preventing civil wars in the first place. This book argues for considering civil wars from a developmental perspective to identify steps to assure that nascent, low-level armed conflicts do not escalate to full-scale civil wars. We show that highly structured intergovernmental organizations (IGOs, e.g. the World Bank or IMF) are particularly well positioned to engage in civil war prevention. Such organizations have both an enduring self-interest in member-state peace and stability and potent (economic) tools to incentivize peaceful conflict resolution. The book advances the hypothesis that countries that belong to a larger number of highly structured IGOs face a significantly lower risk that emerging low-level armed conflicts on their territories will escalate to full-scale civil wars. Systematic analyses of over 260 low-level armed conflicts that have occurred around the globe since World War II provide consistent and robust support for this hypothesis. The impact of a greater number of memberships in highly structured IGOs is substantial, cutting the risk of escalation by over one-half. Case evidence from Indonesia’s East Timor conflict, Ivory Coast’s post-2010 election crisis, and from the early stages of the conflict in Syria in 2011 provide additional evidence that memberships in highly structured IGOs are indeed key to understanding why some low-level armed conflicts escalate to civil wars and others do not.


Author(s):  
Lesley-Ann Daniels

Abstract Governments grant amnesties to rebel groups during civil wars and this is a puzzle. Why would the government offer an amnesty, which can be interpreted as a signal of weakness? In certain circumstances, offering amnesty is a rational policy choice. Governments should give amnesties when they are winning: the risk of misinterpreted signals is lessened, costs are low, rebel groups are weakened, and so amnesty can be used instrumentally to encourage defection or division among foot soldiers or as an incentive to leaders. Therefore, the government capitalizes on its military advantage and offers amnesty in a “stick then carrot” tactic. Using a database of amnesties during conflicts from 1990 to 2011, the article shows that governments are more likely to give amnesties following high rebel deaths. The use of amnesty during conflict is nuanced and context is important when understanding strategic choices.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document