scholarly journals Cyber Law and Practice of Freedom of Speech on Internet: Pakistan Perspective

The study was conducted with the aim of exploring the prevailing cyber law, better called as, Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act -2016 (PECA-2016) with regard to practice of freedom of speech on internet in Pakistan. Having discussed in brief the regime for freedom of speech under constitution of Pakistan 1973 and International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which Pakistan is a party, so obliged legally and morally to obey it. A mix method, where exploratory sequential approach was employed to analyse the issue of violation of freedom of speech on technology by the application of stringent provisions of PECA-2016 by government authorities in Pakistan. Thematic analysis of interviews were done through NVivo and quantitative data was analyzed by using SPSS. Results highlighted that the prevailing cyber technology law in Pakistan is in clear contradiction with the regime for freedom of speech in Pakistan’s constitution and ICCPR. The study expressed that certain provisions of PECA-2016 are stringent and suppressed the voices of internet users. Nevertheless, it also appeals to the policy makers to repeal or amend the prevailing law of technology okand to make it in conformity with the legal regime for freedom of speech in Pakistan.

This study aimed to explore the regime for the restriction of freedom of speech under ICCPR. Besides, it assesses the standards and level of freedom of speech restriction under technology law in Pakistan, PECA-2016. A through document analysis of ICCPR and cyber law depicts that at the standards for freedom of speech is far below then the criteria given in an Article 19(3). Furthermore, it appeals to the policy makers and legislators to bring the restriction of freedom of speech in technology law Pakistan at par with that of ICCPR. Nevertheless, it should be amended or repealed to improve the standards for the freedom of speech in the technology law in Pakistan (PECA-2016).


Author(s):  
Michael Hamilton

This chapter traces the broad contours of the right to freedom of speech as it has evolved in international law, principally under Article 19(2) of the 1996 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR or ‘the Covenant’). Any speech protective principles deriving from the international jurisprudence are qualified by the following factors: the contextual contingency of the value of speech, the inherently limited reach of international scrutiny, the changing nature of the marketplace, and emerging forms of censorship. The chapter then outlines the key human rights treaty protections for freedom of speech, before further exploring the scope of the right. It examines the permissible grounds for speech restriction, highlighting two contested categories of speech—namely, incitement to hatred and glorification of terrorism—where international law not only concedes the low value of such speech, but specifically mandates its prohibition in domestic law. States that introduce broadly framed speech restrictions may claim to be acting in satisfaction of this prohibitory requirement. In consequence, the intensity of any ensuing international scrutiny will inevitably be substantially reduced.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Grandis Ayuning Priyanto ◽  
Martinus Sardi

Freedom of speech is a part of fundamental rights to every people. Nowadays, freedom of speech could not felt widely to all people. Freedom of speech developed until Universal Declaration of Human Rights and International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights assure and restrict freedom of speech. In Indonesia, since the rise of The Law of Information and Electronic Transaction, the restriction of freedom of speech become biased, many words in social media are presumably attack others. Netizen feels security to speak up is limited, such Ruslan Buton who critics and record about President Jokowi deemed as a hoax and hate speech. Even though some articles in 1945 Constitution have already protect and guarantee all people to bear the right to speak. The limitations of Freedom of speech in The Law of Information and Electronic Transaction emerge multi interpretation which the right to speak have not been correspond with the values in 1945 Constitution. To harmonize freedom of speech in Indonesia, it needs cooperation among government and people to eradicate ambiguity and fear in which already happen.By using juridical-normative method, the research aims to understand the condition of freedom of speech in Indonesia, and to understand the protection of netizen in using social media


2018 ◽  
Vol 69 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-224
Author(s):  
Lech Mażewski

The creation of the Constitutional Tribunal (1981, 1985), instead of a separate chamber of the Supreme Court, was accompanied by numerous discussions and sometimes even disputes. The process took place between 1981 and 1985. It was decided that in case of analyzing whether a law is constitutional and legal, the most important element is the existence of an independent state body such as the Constitutional Tribunal. Moreover, jurisdiction activity was brought into the purview of the Tribunal. In order to achieve this, the Parliament (Polish Sejm) had to enact a proper statutory law and to select judges for the Constitutional Tribunal. However, regardless ofall the legal deficiencies which accompanied the legal regime of the new body, it should be considered an important step in the construction of the constitutional judiciary in Poland. The jurisdiction activity of the Tribunal between 1986 and 1989 also attests to that. The constitutional legislator created such a model of the Tribunal which prevented it from being fully recognized as a constitutional court. The rationale behind this was thenecessity of preserving the Parliament’s superior position in the system of state bodies. The Tribunal was rather founded as a body to analyze the legality of law in order to ensure the supremacy of constitutional acts in the system of law sources. However, even such a legal solution had its significance from the point of view of protection of civil and political rights as well as of civil liberties.


2018 ◽  
Vol 41 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 9-18
Author(s):  
Peter Crowley

Northern Ireland’s Troubles conflict, like many complex conflicts through the world, has often been conceived as considerably motivated by religious differences. This paper demonstrates that religion was often integrated into an ethno-religious identity that fueled sectarian conflict between Protestants and Catholics in Northern Ireland during the Troubles period. Instead of being a religious-based conflict, the conflict derived from historical divides of power, land ownership, and civil and political rights in Ireland over several centuries. It relies on 12 interviews, six Protestants and six Catholics, to measure their use of religious references when referring to their religious other. The paper concludes that in the overwhelming majority of cases, both groups did not use religious references, supporting the hypothesis on the integrated nature of ethnicity and religion during the Troubles. It offers grounding for looking into the complex nature of sectarian and seemingly religious conflicts throughout the world, including cases in which religion acts as more of a veneer to deeply rooted identities and historical narratives.


Author(s):  
Yogesh Tyagi

The golden jubilee of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) coincides with the emergence of Asia as a centre of global attention. However, greater attention to Asia has been accompanied by some scepticism over its attitude towards human rights. The chapter provides an overall assessment of the impact of the ICCPR on the major Asian States, with an analysis of the factors affecting such influence. The chapter considers the involvement in, observance of, and compliance with the provisions of the ICCPR by these States. It further delves into the academic and judicial discourse on the ICCPR within these States, recording the domestic disposition towards judgments of foreign courts, the output of the Human Rights Committee, and the work of other international human rights bodies. It makes suggestions for developing mechanisms to improve the effectiveness of the ICCPR and for creating databases to perform further research in the area.


Author(s):  
Başak Çali

This chapter surveys the legal influence of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) on the domestic laws of States in the Middle East region. It analyses ratification, reservation, and reporting practices, the domestic legal status of the ICCPR, and State responses to the Human Rights Committee’s concluding observations. The chapter argues that the ICCPR’s legal influence in the region is structurally hampered due to its lack of authoritative legal status and the dominance of defensive domestic legalism. A significant gap remains between the HRC’s vision of civil and political rights protection grounded in the entrenchment of liberal, democratic, and multicultural laws and the region’s authoritarian or majoritarian political structures that foreground security and treat non-majority identities as threats. The influence of the ICCPR on domestic laws in the Middle East remains a long-term battle, whereby small gains under limited legal opportunity structures remain the overarching norm.


2015 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 533-555 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christina Cottiero ◽  
Katherine Kucharski ◽  
Evgenia Olimpieva ◽  
Robert W. Orttung

How effective is Russian state television in framing the conflict in Ukraine that began with the Euromaidan protests and what is its impact on Russian Internet users? We carried out a content analysis of Dmitrii Kiselev's “News of the Week” show, which allowed us to identify the two key frames he used to explain the conflict – World War II-era fascism and anti-Americanism. Since Kiselev often reduces these frames to buzzwords, we were able to track the impact of these words on Internet users by examining search query histories on Yandex and Google and by developing quantitative data to complement our qualitative analysis. Our findings show that much of what state media produces is not effective, but that the “fascist” and anti-American frames have had lasting impacts on Russian Internet users. We argue that it does not make sense to speak of competition between a “television party” and an “Internet party” in Russia since state television has a strong impact in setting the agenda for the Internet and society as a whole. Ultimately, the relationship between television and the Internet in Russia is a continual loop, with each affecting the other.


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