scholarly journals VERBALIZATION OF THE ESSENCE OF UKRAINIAN IDENTITY (BASED ON THE MAGAZINE «AB IMPERIO»)

2020 ◽  
pp. 164-169
Author(s):  
Mykytyuk O.R.
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Global Scale ◽  
Contextual Analysis ◽  
Additional Element ◽  
National Symbols ◽  
Ancient Times ◽  
Identity Based ◽  
Mental Space ◽  
Contrasting Method ◽  
Main Factor

Purpose. The purpose of the research is to find out the essence of verbalization of Ukrainian identity based on articles of the international journal «Ab imperio». The aim is to consider the following tasks: to find out the inconsistency of certain publications of the weekly with historical facts, to declare the appearance of Ukrainian printed monuments as a phenomenon of national identity and to show the need to publicize knowledge about the Ukrainian heritage of the Hetman and Cossack era.Methods. The article uses: a) the method of contextual analysis, which reproduces the information on the Ukrainian issue on the basis of the analyzed journal; b) a contrasting method, as there are two mutually incompatible views, one of which reproduces the Ukrainian vision of the problem, the other – the Russian, which is covered by the journal's publications; c) interdisciplinary method, as the analysis of linguistic aspects includes data from history, ethnology, literature, which allows a comprehensive consideration of the research material.Results. The study makes it possible to understand that the Russian-centric position on the national Ukrainian identity distorts the essence of the Ukrainian mentality. It is proved that: 1) external factors, in particular, Ukrainian clothes, patriot's house, predominance of national dishes, characteristic mustaches and stories about people's life were only an additional element for the formation of national identity, not the main factor determining the formation of the Ukrainian nation; 2) It is logically reasoned that the designed communicative code of Ukrainians (Russian position) does not exist. It is proved that the Ukrainian language was not constructed lately. Numerous written memoirs in particular the chronicle «The Tale of Bygone Years» testify that it had existed since ancient times; 3) It is explained that the literary and written tradition of Rus’is not a Russian tradition, but a Rus' one (ie, Ukrainian); 4) The change of Ukrainian identity is not related to evangelical sects; 5) There is no need to call the Polish minority (in Lviv) a «subculture»; 6) The term «correct Ukraine» is inappropriate because it threatens the integrity of the Ukrainian state. The article refutes the thesis that Ukraine received its own identity only after the tragic events of 2014.Conclusions. Therefore, if such statements from «Ab Imperio» still shape public opinion, and Ukrainian scholars do not respond to such posts, it will lead to the understanding of the modern Ukraine on a global scale again as a subcolonial territory that cannot cope without Russia. There is need to introduce into the linguistic and mental space facts about Ukrainian traditions, national symbols, indomitable spirit and heroic heritage of the Cossack and Hetman state.Key words: language, linguistic and mental features, Rus'-Ukraine, Russia, national revival, construction of national mythology. Мета: з’ясувати суть вербалізації української ідентичності за статтями міжнародного журналу «Ab іmperio». Поставлена мета передбачає розгляд таких завдань: з’ясувати невідповідність певних публікацій тижневика історичним фактам, задекларувати вихід українських друкованих пам’яток як явища національної ідентичності та показати необхідність омовлення в різних засобах масової інформації знань про українську спадщину гетьманської та козацької доби.Методи. У статті використано: а) метод контекстуального аналізу, за допомогою якого відтворено інформацію щодо українського питання на основі аналізованого журналу; б) контрастивний метод, оскільки є два навзаєм несумісні погляди, один з яких відтворює українське бачення проблеми, інший – російське, яке висвітлюють публікації журналу; в) міждисциплінарний метод, бо до аналізу мовознавчих аспектів долучено дані історії, етнології, літератури, що дає змогу комплексно розглянути матеріал дослідження.Результати. Проведений аналіз дає змогу зрозуміти, що російськоцентрична позиція щодо національної української ідентичності спотворює сутність української ментальності. Доведено: 1) зовнішні чинники, зокрема, одяг українців, хата патріота, переважання національних страв, характерні вуса та розповіді про народне життя були лише додатковим елементом для тво-рення національної ідентичності, а не основним чинником, який визначив формування української нації; 2) про сконструйо-ваний комунікативний код українців (російська позиція) немає ніякої підстави говорити, оскільки українська мова існувала з прадавніх часів, що засвідчують численні писемні пам’ятки, наприклад, найвідоміша – літопис «Повість временних літ»; 3) літературно-писемна традиція Руси – це не російська традиція, а руська (тобто українська); 4) зміна української ідентичності не пов’язана з євангельськими сектами; 5) немає потреби польську меншину (у Львові) називати «субкультурою»; 6) термін «правильна Україна» є недоречним, бо ставить під загрозу цілісність Української держави. У статті спростовано тезу, що Україна отримала власну ідентичність після трагічних подій 2014 року.Висновки. Вербалізація суті української ідентичності крізь призму матеріалів «Ab іmperio» часто спричиняє розуміння сучасної України у світовому вимірі як підколоніальної території, яка не дає собі ради без Росії. Потрібно впроваджувати в мовно-ментальний простір факти про українські традиції, національну символіку, незламний дух та героїчну спадщину козацької та гетьманської держави.Ключові слова: мова, мовно-ментальні риси, Русь-Україна, Росія, національне відродження, конструювання національної мітологі.

Drinkin’ and Carryin’ On in Search of Community

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jerry T. Watkins
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Gay And Lesbian ◽  
Market Forces ◽  
Friendship Networks ◽  
Race And Class ◽  
Lesbian Community ◽  
Identity Based ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Private Homes ◽  
Gain Access

Before market forces created recognizable sites of gay and lesbian community, some queer Floridians leveraged their race and class privileges to create or gain access to spaces in order to find others like themselves. This chapter uses bars, “gay parties,” and friendship networks to show the ways that postwar mobility shaped queer socializing through complex negotiations of desire and access. In Tallahassee, the Cypress Lounge at the Floridan Hotel became an unofficial gay bar, while Florida’s powerbrokers schmoozed and facilitated connections to national identity-based rights discourses. Others used their private homes to host networks of gay and lesbian friends from around the panhandle. In Pensacola, Trader Jon’s and the Hi-Ho Five O’Clock Club were queered by sexually and gender non-conforming individuals.

Inventing England: English identity and the Scottish ‘other’, 1586–1625

2018 ◽  
pp. 305-326
Author(s):  
Jenna M. Schultz
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Strong Reaction ◽  
Archaeological Evidence ◽  
Language Studies ◽  
English National Identity ◽  
Identity Based ◽  
Single State ◽  
English Identity ◽  
Historical Accounts

Through dynastic accident, England and Scotland were united under King James VI and I in 1603. To smooth the transition, officials attempted to create a single state: Great Britain. Yet the project had a narrow appeal; the majority of the English populace rejected a closer relationship with Scotland. Such a strong reaction against Scotland resulted in a revived sense of Englishness. This essay analyzes English tactics to distance themselves from the Scots through historical treatises. For centuries, the English had created vivid histories to illuminate their ancient past. It is evident from the historical works written between 1586 and 1625 that authors sought to maintain a position of dominance over Scotland through veiled political commentaries. As such, their accounts propagated an English national identity based on a sense of historical supremacy over the Scottish. This was further supported through the use of language studies and archaeological evidence. After the 1603 Union of the Crowns, these stories did not change. Yet, questions arose regarding the king's genealogy, as he claimed descent from the great kings of both kingdoms. Consequently, historians re-invented the past to merge their historical accounts with the king's ancestral claims while continuing to validate English assertions of suzerainty.

The strange career of nation-building as a concept in US foreign policy

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeremi Suri
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
National Identity ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
American Exceptionalism ◽  
Global Scale ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
Civic Culture ◽  
Global Power ◽  
Self Interest

The opening chapter of the volume approaches the peculiar US vocation for nation-building on a global scale from the perspective of domestic experience. Jeremi Suri uses the study of the post-Civil War South by C. Vann Woodward to provide for non-Americans a sense of the ideological interstices and remarkable longevity of this feature of American “exceptionalism”. Writing outside of the idiom but with full sympathy for its constituent parts and continuities, Suri describes a deep US civic culture that celebrates self-governance, popular sovereignty and open trade on an uninterrupted continuum from home to the rest of the globe. Denied the normal components of national identity, American elite and popular cultures have, from Washington’s Farewell Address of 1796 to Obama’s West Point speech of 2014, sustained a form of millennial conviction to universalise domestic beliefs. These ride above the particularities of culture, geography or ethnic encounters that necessarily confront a global power and which perforce cause alterations in tactics, but rarely for any length of time the broader strategic idiom. Equally, Suri, argues, the contradiction between national self-interest and the need to construct states and societies along recognisably US lines is repressed through narrow, ‘unionist’ perspectives. It is almost as if the American public imaginary cannot conceive of an allowable ‘other’, even though the efforts at self-fashioning undeniably create a multitude of victims.

Co-constituting Fijian identity: the role of constitutions in Fijian national identity

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Mudaliar
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
British Colonialism ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Colonial Legacy ◽  
Island States ◽  
National Symbols ◽  
Insight Into

This chapter focuses on the role that constitutions play in national identity, particularly in states that are recently independent and constrained by a colonial legacy. It uses Fiji as a case study, exploring how British colonialism influenced conceptions of Fijian national identity in the constitutional texts of 1970, 1990 and 1997. The chapter explores the indigenous ethno-nationalist ideals that underpinned these constitutions, which led to the privileging of indigenous Fijian identity within the wider national identity. However, in 2013, Prime Minister Frank Bainimarama introduced a new constitution which shifted away from previous ethno-nationalist underpinnings towards a more inclusive national identity through the promotion of a civic nationalist agenda. In doing so, Bainimarama’s goal of reducing ethnic conflict has seen a constitutional re-imagining of Fijian identity, which includes the introduction of new national symbols, and a new electoral system, alongside equal citizenry clauses within the Constitution. This study offers a unique insight into power and identity within post-colonial island states.

Collective Identity in National Anthems

2019 ◽  
pp. 45-64
Author(s):  
Hesham Mesbah
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Thematic Analysis ◽  
Collective Identity ◽  
Political System ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
National Symbols ◽  
The Common

This chapter explores how national anthems of African and non-African Arab nations reflect a collective national identity. The national anthems of 22 Arab countries were analyzed using the textual thematic analysis to identify the common attributes of national identity in these anthems and the variance in referring to political entities, national symbols, and natural artifacts according to the political system (republic vs. monarchy) in the country. The analysis shows five thematic components of the national identity presented by those anthems, with an emphasis on the themes of religion and local political leaders in the anthems of monarchies. On the other hand, republics base their identity on religion, history, and nation-related natural and national artifacts. The anthems of the republics show a higher level of complexity (thematic richness) and more tendency to use emotionally charged, forceful language, in contrast to the anthems of the monarchies.

“Suddenly Everyone Started to Love Our Anthem, Our Flag”: Identity Construction, Crisis, and Change in (Almost) Sovereign Kosovo

2019 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 721-736
Author(s):  
Alissa Boguslaw
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Social Construction ◽  
Identity Construction ◽  
Meaning Making ◽  
Alternative Theory ◽  
Semiotic Analysis ◽  
Political Independence ◽  
National Symbols ◽  
The World

AbstractHow, amidst a crisis of sovereignty and identity, did once-rejected national symbols become meaningful to Kosovo’s Albanians? Having declared independence in 2008, a 2014 study found that less than one-third of Kosovo’s citizens identified with their newly adopted state symbols. As meanings are always shifting, depending on the contexts in which their forms appear and the actors involved, theories of social construction have focused on the representational aspects of meaning-making: the ways in which the forms stabilize (or destabilize) the constructs they depict. Instead of focusing on the representational—the determinable, measurable, and rational aspects, this article investigates the discursive mechanisms that mobilize meanings and configure contexts, extending Robin Wagner-Pacifici’s alternative theory of events. Through discourse and semiotic analysis, it tracks Kosovo’s new flag and anthem through the construction, crisis, and transformation of three social realities: political independence, national identity, and the world of international competitive judo, illuminating how changing meanings change, shifting contexts shift, and how to interpret actors’ fleeting emotions. In the Kosovo case, the construction is the crisis, as well as the change.

Predisposing Factors and Situational Triggers: Exclusionary Reactions to Immigrant Minorities

2004 ◽  
Vol 98 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
PAUL M. SNIDERMAN ◽  
LOUK HAGENDOORN ◽  
MARKUS PRIOR
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
The Netherlands ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Predisposing Factors ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Identity Based ◽  
Exclusionary Policies ◽  
Situational Triggers ◽  
Economic Well Being

This paper examines the bases of opposition to immigrant minorities in Western Europe, focusing on The Netherlands. The specific aim of this study is to test the validity of predictions derived from two theories—realistic conflict, which emphasizes considerations of economic well-being, and social identity, which emphasizes considerations of identity based on group membership. The larger aim of this study is to investigate the interplay of predisposing factors and situational triggers in evoking political responses. The analysis is based on a series of three experiments embedded in a public opinion survey carried out in The Netherlands (n=2007) in 1997–98. The experiments, combined with parallel individual-level measures, allow measurement of the comparative impact of both dispositionally based and situationally triggered threats to economic well-being and to national identity at work. The results show, first, that considerations of national identity dominate those of economic advantage in evoking exclusionary reactions to immigrant minorities and, second, that the effect of situational triggers is to mobilize support for exclusionary policies above and beyond the core constituency already predisposed to support them.

Reform Movements

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nalini Bhushan ◽  
Jay L. Garfield
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Political History ◽  
Colonial Period ◽  
National Consciousness ◽  
Reform Movements ◽  
Identity Based

This chapter contrasts a number of different accounts of that in which Indian national identity consists that were advanced in the colonial period. It considers criteria of identity based in geography, culture, political history, art and religion, and show how each of these contributed to the development of national consciousness.

Muslim Integration and French Society

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachel D. Brown
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Policy Development ◽  
The United States ◽  
North African ◽  
French Society ◽  
Migration History ◽  
History Of ◽  
Identity Based ◽  
The Subject ◽  
New Research

The subject of Muslim integration has been the focus of much policy development, media engagement, and everyday conversation in France. Because of the strong rhetoric about national identity—a national identity based on Republican ideals of universalism, equality, and French secularism (laïcité)—the question often becomes, “Can Muslims, as Muslims, integrate into French society and ‘be’ French?” In other contexts (e.g., the United States), religion may act as an aid in immigrants’ integration. In Europe, and France specifically, religion is viewed as an absolute hindrance to integration. Because of this, and thanks to a specific migration history of Muslims to France, the colonial grounding for the development of French nationality and secularism, and the French assimilationist model of integration, Muslims are often viewed as, at best, not able to integrate and, at worst, not willing to integrate into French society. The socioeconomic inequality between Muslim and non-Muslim French (as represented by life in the banlieues [suburbs]), the continued labeling of second- and third-generation North African Muslim youth as “immigrants,” the occurrence of terrorist attacks and radicalization on European soil, and the use of religious symbols (whether the head scarf or religious food practices) as symbols of intentional difference all add to the perception that Muslims are, and should be, the subject of integration efforts in France. While the discourse is often that Muslims have failed to integrate into French society through an acceptance and enactment of French values and policies, new research is suggesting that the “failed” integration of Muslims reveals a deeper failure of French Republican universalism, equality, and secularism.

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