scholarly journals A nemzetközi felnőttoktatási politika változása és az UNESCO

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Zoltán Loboda

A tanulmány aktualitását az adja, hogy 2015-ben az UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organistion) közgyűlése a nemzetközi közösség felnőttoktatás-politikájára vonatkozóan új ajánlást fogadott el, amellyel egyben hatályon kívül helyezte a 39 évvel korábban elfogadott, és a nemzetközi felnőttoktatás-politikában sokáig meghatározónak számító ajánlását . Az új ajánlás nemcsak egy globális szakpolitikai reflexió az eltelt időszak politikai-ideológiai, társadalmi, gazdasági változásaira, hanem egyfajta szintézise is az UNESCO humanisztikus hagyományának és az OECD s az Európai Unió felnőttoktatás-politikájának. A tanulmány célja, hogy áttekintse, hogyan változott az elmúlt 40 évben a felnőttoktatás-politika célja, fogalmi és szakpolitikai keretrendszere, s hogyan ébredt az UNESCO a 2010-es évek közepére egy hosszú „csipkerózsika-álomból” s definiálta újra globális felnőttoktatás-politikáját.***Adoption of the new UNESCO Recommendation on adult education, and repailing the nearly forty years old recommendation, which provided reference points for international edult education policies and discourses, gave a momuntum for the analysis. The new recommendation is not only a global reflection on the political, ideological and econmical, social changes occured during this period but a sort of synthesis of the humanistic traditions of the UNESCO and the adult education (learning) policies of the OECD and the European Union. The aim of the study is to review how the concepts, policy frameworks and objectives of the international adult education policies changed in the past forty years and how the UNESCO awoke from its ’dream of Sleeping Beauty’ in the years of mid 2010’s and re-defined its new global adult education policy. 

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Winfried Böttcher

In retrospect, the decade from 2010 to 2020 has provoked a crisis in human progress. In this book, the author proves this thesis using six occurrences, while also paying particular atten-tion to Europe’s role in relation to them: the refugee crisis the conflict in Ukraine Brexit the environment as a political issue nationalism the new coronavirus These six examples, which have had a staggering influence on the past decade, will also de-termine the political agenda in the coming decade. In view of this, the European Union has no future in its current state and thus needs to be reconceived.


2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-31
Author(s):  
Catarina Doutor ◽  
Paula Guimarães

This article discusses adult education policies in Greece and Portugal according to the model proposed by Lima and Guimarães (2011), which encompasses three analytical perspectives on adult learning and education. After the introduction, the methodological path followed is presented based on the document analysis of Greek and Portuguese national reports and the theoretical framework about adult education policies is discussed. A critical analysis of adult learning and education in both countries is made, based on a comparative approach. The conclusions stress the Europeanisation of adult education policies in the frame of human resources management policies as well as concerns about participation in adult education following modernisation and state control aims and conceptual elements. The findings show that both countries promote adult education as a strategy for modernisation and competitiveness in line with European Union guidelines but that there is a lack of evidence concerning democratic and emancipatory policies in adult education.


Author(s):  
Sophie Meunier

The exponential growth of Chinese direct investment has been accompanied in some cases by controversy and even resistance, both in developing and in developed economies. Around the world, critics have expressed fears and denounced some of the potential dangers of this investment, such as lowering of local labour standards, hollowing out of industrial core through repatriation of assets, and acquisition of dual use technology. Alarmist media headlines have warned against a Chinese takeover of national economies one controversial investment deal at a time. The ensuing political backlash has often received considerable media attention and increased scrutiny over subsequent deals. What explains the political challenges posed by the spectacular explosion of Chinese direct investment over the past few years in the United States (US) and the European Union (EU)? How and why have attitudes and policies in the West changed over the past decade towards Chinese FDI? This chapter considers two alternative explanations for the political challenges triggered by Chinese investment in Western countries. The first is that Chinese FDI causes political unease because of its novelty. The second is the perception that there is something inherently different about the nature of Chinese FDI and therefore it should not be treated politically like any other foreign investment. These two explanations lead to a different set of predictions for the future of Chinese FDI in Europe and the US. The first section analyses how the novelty of Chinese FDI may pose political challenges to Western politicians and publics and compares the current phenomenon with past instances of political problematic sources of FDI. Section II examines the argument that there is something inherently different about Chinese FDI, notably as stemming from an emerging economy, a unique political system, and a non-ally in the security dimension. The third section explores the domestic political context in which these challenges are raised: in Europe, the euro crisis and the rise of populism; in the US, the focus on geopolitical competition and the rise of economic nationalism. The conclusion raises some implications of these political challenges on the future of Chinese outward investment.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 274
Author(s):  
Pantelis Sklias ◽  
Spyros Roukanas ◽  
Giota Chatzimichailidou

<p class="AbstractText">The objective of the present study is to investigate the European Union (EU) policies regarding Adult Education from the early fifties. It seems like Adult Education, either as an ideology or as a practice, haven’t gained widespread attention by the Brussels Bureaucrats, as a result, the first interests in concepts of Adult Education had begun, only, in 2000. While Lifelong Learning involves both vocational and non-vocational education, policymakers seemed to be preoccupied by an extensive interest to meet the needs of European labour market, so they have paid much effort to promote Vocational Education and Training instead of Adult Education. The possible contribution of Adult Education policies to strengthen social cohesion is another issue we attempt to explain. Were EU policies for Adult Education a step in this direction so far or not? </p>


Author(s):  
Anne Larson ◽  
Pia Cort

Drawing on Biesta’s distinction between three functions of education: qualification, socialisation and subjectification, the chapter traces adult education policy in Denmark from the 1960s to the 2010s. Based on analysis of policy papers, we show how adult education policy during the past 50 years has developed from a combined focus on all three functions of education to a dominant focus on qualification from a human capital perspective, subordinating socialisation and subjectification to the idea of integration into the labour market and being employable. By shedding light on changes in adult education policies, we aim to question today’s language of economic necessity and technocratic inevitability in relation to adult education policy and to evoke a discussion about what adult education should be good for. The historical reading of Danish adult education policy, thus, serves as a resistant act by showing that adult education can be and has been thought otherwise.


Author(s):  
Paula Guimaraes ◽  
Marta Gontarska

Education for sustainable development is presently a relevant topic in the policies of interna-tional organisations (such as UN/UNESCO and the European Union) and in national contexts such as Poland and Portugal. Within the policies implemented, civil society organisations and social movements undertake (adult) education for sustainable development projects and activ-ities that have an important impact by raising awareness and promoting changes in the behav-iour and attitudes of both countries’ populations. However, several challenges can be pointed out regarding the implementation of these initiatives. These challenges will be highlighted in this article, which focuses on the comparison of policies and practices implemented in Poland and Portugal.


2021 ◽  
pp. 19-30
Author(s):  
A. A. Kurakina-Damir

In the middle of the second decade of the 21st century there has begun a process of reorganization of Spanish electoral landscape. The Congress of Deputies (lower, and the key chamber of the Spanish Parliament) in its 2019 iteration is not much like the Congress of 2000-2011. The list of parties does not include Unión, Progreso y Democracia (UРyD) and Izquierda Unida (IU), which were predicted to grow significantly due to the decline in competitiveness of the leading parties, and were replaced by new members – Podemos, Ciudadanos, Más País, Teruel Existe. The Catalan parties, being the representatives of the most politically intense region of Spain, were also significantly altered and consequently strengthened their positions. A number of autonomous regions changed their ‘party affiliations’, and an atmosphere of uncertainty reigned in sparsely populated provinces. The author discusses main reference points for the political process of the country which significantly changed the balance of power, as well as the difficulties that political actors faced in the process of reaching or not reaching sought compromises. Over the past 4 years voters have been forced to return to polling stations twice to elect the national Parliament. Evidently, the Cabinet must urgently reform the system of government formation in order to avoid similar problems in the future.


2012 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 616-642 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ararat L. Osipian ◽  
Alexandr L. Osipian

There appears to be a virtual absence of any serious distinctions in the programs and rhetoric of the three leading political parties in Ukraine: The Party of Regions, Bloc of Yulia Timoshenko, and Our Ukraine. Each party is in support of the market economy, democracy, human rights, and joining the European Union. The major distinction between these parties is in the way they see the country’s past. Such an intensive use of the past reflects the absence of differences in the way they see the future. This article is dedicated to the analysis of how the past has been used in Ukrainian politics during the period of active political and regional confrontation in 2004–2010. In particular, what specific historical stories and topics are in high demand in the political rhetoric and why, and how all of these factors may prevent the process of political consolidation of the nation. The article concludes that major political parties will most likely use the same regional stereotypes of viewing the past in mobilizing their electorate during the coming parliamentary elections of 2012. The technology of confronting the “two Ukraines” will be employed by the competing political camps once again.


Economies ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maximilian Benner

Newer approaches of industrial policy that focus on catalytic and facilitating interventions of government have become a rivalling model to neoclassical laissez-faire approaches. Inspired by the success stories of East Asian newly industrialised economies (NIEs), newer approaches advocate a more experimental policy stance. Newer industrial policies, including the concept of the “entrepreneurial state”, call upon governments to play a catalytic and facilitating role in increasing innovation and, thus, economic growth. During the past three decades, countries have experimented with some of these new approaches, and so has the European Union (EU). Currently, two major policy frameworks of the EU, Horizon 2020 and smart specialisation, shape the European approach to industrial policy and are gaining in importance for enlargement and neighbourhood countries, too. At the same time, these countries outside the EU have pursued their own experiments in industrial policy. The article argues that to better understand what contributes to the success or failure of industrial policies, learning from experiences made both by the EU and its neighbours is valuable. The article draws conclusions from three countries in the EU’s neighbourhood, Israel, Tunisia, and North Macedonia. In particular, the article examines the role EU approaches and programs, such as smart specialisation or Horizon 2020, can play in anchoring more entrepreneurial industrial policies in enlargement and neighbourhood countries and addresses problems to be expected when governments are to engage in policy experimentation.


2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (03) ◽  
pp. 497-505 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. Michael Alvarez ◽  
Thad E. Hall ◽  
Alexander H. Trechsel

ABSTRACTSeveral countries have conducted Internet voting trials in binding public elections over the past decade, including Switzerland, the United Kingdom, and the United States. However, Estonia—a former Soviet republic and now a full member of the European Union—has advanced the farthest in deploying Internet voting. In this article, we focus on how the Estonians have systematically addressed the legal and technical considerations required to make Internet voting a functioning voting platform, as well as the political and cultural framework that promoted this innovation. Using data from our own qualitative and quantitative studies of the Estonian experience, we consider who voted over the Internet in these elections, and the political implications of the voting platform.


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