scholarly journals Okupatsioonide muuseumist Vabamuks: nimetamispoliitika analüüs

2017 ◽  
pp. 136-161
Author(s):  
Ene Kõresaar ◽  
Kirsti Jõesalu

From “Museum of Occupations” to “Vabamu”: Analysis of Naming Policy This article focuses on the debate around the name Vabamu and is aimed at discussing whether and how the culture of remembering the Soviet era can change in today’s Estonia. In February 2016, the Estonian Museum of Occupations announced its plans to refresh its identity and change the name of the museum to the Museum of Freedom Vabamu. The planned name change sparked controversy in society about the meaning of the (Soviet) military occupation, the sufferings of that period and ways of commemorating them. Over 60 stories were published in the Estonian media from February to August 2016, accompanied by lively discussion on social media. Estonia’s Russian-language media did not participate in the discussion. The article analyses the Vabamu name debate in the context of naming policy and Estonian 20th century historical memory. First of all, the term of “occupation” is explained from the aspect of Estonia’s political identity and Baltic, Russian and European relations. Secondly, the article analyses the main voices and topics in the debate and which of the current memory regime’s models and frameworks of memory policy emerged. It asks, from the perspective of memory studies, why the name change to “Vabamu” was not carried out according to original plans. The main sources of the analysis were texts in the media; including social media; interviews with the museum director, participatory observations at meetings of the museum’s advisory board, and at meetings and temporary exhibitions organized by the museum. In addition to documenting the development of the name debate, the participation, observation and interviews made it possible to explore the conceptual objectives behind the name “Vabamu”. The following opinions resonated in discussions: (1) opinions of the Memento organization (which advocates for the rights of those who suffered persecution by the Soviet regime) and Soviet-era dissidents in media opinion pieces and segments and public statements; (2) statements made by politicians (mainly rightconservatives); (3) opinions from members of the Estonian émigré community; (4) statements from museum managing director Merilin Piipuu and the chairwoman of the Kistler-Ritso foundation Sylvia Thompson, which reflected the museum’s intentions; and (5) the public discussion initiated by the museum. A key date in the development of the debate was 25 March 2016, the anniversary of mass deportations in 1949 when also the representatives of Memento organization voiced their opinion. Giving up “occupation” in the name of the museum occasioned property claims of the generation of victims of communism. The repressed people considered the Museum of Occupation their symbolic place. For this group, the disappearance of the word “occupations” from the museum name actualized the complexity of policy of recognizing their experience ever since the late 1980s. The debate regarding the establishing of a memorial to victims of communism in Tallinn also had an influence. The discussions over “Vabamu” were held in a transnational context, pertaining mainly to neighbouring Russia, and the global Holocaust memory culture. The name change was perceived above all as an adoption of Russian memory politics, not just in the context of the Baltic states but in the broader geopolitical context. Giving up the word “occupation” was seen by critics – and at the outset of the debate by the museum as well – as a national security issue. As the discussion evolved, the museum distanced itself from the security discourse and cited Russian tourists and Estonian Russians as target groups that needed to be reached and included. The comparison to the Holocaust memory culture was also used as an argument by both parties. The opponents of the new name used international comparisons to stress the remembering of the violent past in similar (national) threat contexts. On the other hand, the museum used the Holocaust argument from the standpoint of Jewish identity to justify its intention to move further past the national narrative of occupation. The debates over the name Vabamu were also related to a perception of intergenerational changes in memory work. The museum was reconceptualising the past and future to reach out to younger generations whose experience horizon is radically different from that of the generation of the victims of repressions and whose sense of freedom is more individualized. For opponents of “Vabamu”, the museum staff themselves represented the younger generation who no longer had a link to Estonia’s past ordeals and for whom intergenerational memory and solidarity had become interrupted. Their preference for a multiperspective narrative in place of a narrative of victimhood and resistance was interpreted as an ethical softening toward the victims and trivialization of trauma. As a result of the name debate, the museum decided to forgo a radical change in the name and opted for a compromise: Vabamu, the Museum of Occupations and Freedom. The debate over the concept of occupation showed the importance of linguistic definitions in a more extensive battle over how the past is represented. The concept of occupation has been the core of political identity both in postcommunist Estonia and the other two Baltics. The term “occupation” is related to all of the key elements in Estonia’s postcommunist narrative. Associating the memory of the (Soviet) occupation with security policy in the Vabamu debate points to a main reason for persistence of Estonian current memory culture – the so-called Russian threat, which is perceived as an existential danger, a constant challenge to the survival of the Estonian state. Earlier studies have shown that for Estonians, personal, social, cultural and political memory is strongly interwoven when remembering the 20th century: the national story is strongly supported by family stories. This makes the national narrative personal. When central symbols of the historical memory come under fire, fears are stoked and appeals to a moral duty to preserve a common past are heard.

2021 ◽  
pp. 088832542095080
Author(s):  
Nikolay Koposov

This article belongs to the special cluster “Here to Stay: The Politics of History in Eastern Europe”, guest-edited by Félix Krawatzek & George Soroka. The rise of historical memory, which began in the 1970s and 1980s, has made the past an increasingly important soft-power resource. At its initial stage, the rise of memory contributed to the decay of self-congratulatory national narratives and to the formation of a “cosmopolitan” memory centered on the Holocaust and other crimes against humanity and informed by the notion of state repentance for the wrongdoings of the past. Laws criminalizing the denial of these crimes, which were adopted in “old” continental democracies in the 1980s and 1990s, were a characteristic expression of this democratic culture of memory. However, with the rise of national populism and the formation of the authoritarian or semi-authoritarian regimes in Russia, Turkey, Hungary, and Poland in the 2000s and 2010s, the politics of memory has taken a significantly different turn. National populists are remarkably persistent in whitewashing their countries’ history and using it to promote nationalist mobilization. This process has manifested itself in the formation of new types of memory laws, which shift the blame for historical injustices to other countries (the 1998 Polish, the 2000 Czech, the 2010 Lithuanian, the June 2010 Hungarian, and the 2014 Latvian statutes) and, in some cases, openly protect the memory of the perpetrators of crimes against humanity (the 2005 Turkish, the 2014 Russian, the 2015 Ukrainian, the 2006 and the 2018 Polish enactments). The article examines Russian, Polish, and Ukrainian legislation regarding the past that demonstrates the current linkage between populism and memory.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (18) ◽  
pp. 16-30
Author(s):  
B.V. Markov ◽  
◽  
A.M. Sergeev ◽  

The Philosophical Dialogue is dedicated to the analysis of the historical development of Russian philosophy over the past half century. The authors investigated the attitude of ideas and people in the conditions of historical turning point in the late 20th and early 21st century. Philosophy in a borderline situation allows us to compare and evaluate the past and the present. On the one hand, archetypes, attitudes, moods and experiences, formed as a reception of the collective experience of the past era, have been preserved in the minds of thinkers of the post-war generation – in the consciousness, and may be in the neural networks of the brain. On the other hand, the new social reality – cognitive capitalism – radically changes the self-description of society. It is not to say that modernity satisfies people. Despite the talk about the production of cultural, social, human capital, they feel not happy, but lonely and defenseless in a rapidly changing world. Not only philosophical criticism, but also the wave of protests, which also engulfed the "welfare society", makes one wonder whether it is worth following the recipes of the modern Western economy. On the one hand, closure poses a threat to stagnation, the fate of the country of the outland outing. On the other hand, openness, and, moreover, the attempt to lead the construction of a networked society is nothing but self-sacrifice. Russia has already been the leader of the World International, aiming to defeat communism around the world. But there was another superpower that developed the potential of capitalism. Their struggle involved similarities, which consisted in the desire for technical conquest of the world. The authors attempted to reflect on the position of a country that would not give up the competition, but used new technologies to live better. To determine the criteria, it is useful to use the historical memory of the older generation to assess modernity. Conversely, get rid of repeating the mistakes of the past in designing a better future.


2019 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-17
Author(s):  
Talila Kosh-Zohar

Abstract This article examines five family photographs. The first of these family frames was taken in Czechoslovakia during the early 1930s and was found after the Holocaust, the one and only surviving photograph of my father’s exterminated family. The other four are family frames taken in Israel, the land of rebirth, where the survivors tried to start over from scratch, forget the past, and create a new family. All five frames are discussed as ‘exile photographs’—images of absence, alienation, and nostalgia; images of emotions like anxiety, sadness, and loneliness, all of which are inherent to the condition of exile. The article argues that the new family frames, which are supposed to represent new (personal and national) beginnings, continue to authenticate the traumatic past. Their testimony bears witness not to revival and reconstruction, but to forced exile from one’s birthplace, a devastated home and family, a condition of terminal loss.


2020 ◽  
pp. 175069801989685
Author(s):  
Nina Fischer

Discussions of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict are rarely far from the topic of the Holocaust, often taking the form of competitive victimhood, as supporters of both sides politicize the memory of the genocide for their political gain. In her 2010 novel Mornings in Jenin, Palestinian–American Susan Abulhawa interweaves a Palestinian narrative of history – including the Nakba, that is, the destruction of historical Palestine in 1948, the ongoing conflict and the Israeli occupation – with Holocaust memory. By acknowledging rather than minimizing or denying the Israelis’ cultural trauma, she takes a stance of empathy, which researchers consider a prerequisite for peaceful conflict transformation. I contend that Mornings in Jenin exemplifies how cultural texts not only provide a space to explore how new mnemonic links are being drawn up against contested and reified national narratives in Israel/Palestine but also play a political role by performing a narrative that acknowledges the cultural trauma of the other side.


2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 180-191
Author(s):  
Daniela Decheva ◽  

The paper analyses the contemporary debate about memory culture and memory policy in Germany which are highly valid for Europe as well. They base on the political consensus that the memory of collective crimes committed in the past, especially of the Holocaust, and the honour to the victims, are a basic prerequisite for the protection of human rights. In the second part of the paper different critical views on the conception and practice of memory culture and memory policy in Germany are discussed.


Inner Asia ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 263-73
Author(s):  
Tatyana D. Skrynnikova ◽  
Darima D. Amogolonova

AbstractIn the identity discourse of Post Soviet Buryatia the modelling of ethnic boundaries has priority, and the ethnic marker ‘Buryat’ is increasingly replaced by the wider marker ‘Buryat- Mongol.’ In this way a revitalised historical memory allows the synonymising of ethnicity and political identity. This move inspires elites in their construction of a new mythology, in which the glorious pages of the Mongol empire and Chinggis Khan have become the basis of a new discourse. The article shows how elites use the ‘confirmations’ that are allegedly preserved in the legends to affirm their identity. Such ideas include, that it is in the territory of ethnic Buryatia that the most sacred places connected to Chinggis Khan are located (his birthplace, throne, and burial place). Furthermore, Chinggis Khan is ‘privatised’: his Buryat origin and even the Buryat sources of the Mongol empire is ‘proved.’ Positive features of Chinggis’s character and intentions, and his progressive activities in the creation of ‘Eurasian’ and ‘global’ space, are emphasised. The discourse asserts the globalising character of his activities not only in the lay sense and not only regarding the past. The article discusses how the quoted texts both implicitly and explicitly contain the idea that a happy future for the Buryats is inevitably determined by their ties with Chinggis Khan and the loci connected with him, an idea which sacralises and cosmologises the territories where Buryats reside.


2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 99-123
Author(s):  
Mindaugas Kvietkauskas

A challenge to collective memory: Yitskhok Rudashevski’s Diary of the Vilna GhettoThis article aims to analyse the diary of Yitskhok Rudashevski (1927–1943), the story of its writing and publication and the existing biographical material about the author. It attempts to answer the question of what is or could be the significance of this lieu de mémoire for the current developments in Holocaust memory culture in Lithuania. The adopted definitions of cultural and collective memory and sites of memory are based on the concepts proposed by Jan and Aleida Assmann and Pierre Nora. On the one hand, the diary written by a child in the Vilnius ghetto is of major documentary, moral and aesthetic significance and stimulates individual empathy. On the other hand, the text raises acute issues reflecting a conflict between different memory narratives and interpretations of history. Pro-Soviet sympathies of the author, negative imagery of Lithuanians and certain deheroisation of the ghetto community make the text a “problematic” memory site. These challenges of the diary are interpreted as indicators showing whether contemporary Holocaust narrative in Lithuania is already mature enough to accept the dialogical forms of cultural memory. Wyzwanie dla pamięci zbiorowej: Pamiętnik z wileńskiego getta Icchaka RudaszewskiegoTematem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza dziennika napisanego w getcie przez czternastoletniego Icchaka Rudaszewskiego (1927–1943), historia jego powstania, publikacji i zachowania dla przyszłych pokoleń, a także materiał biograficzny dotyczący postaci autora. Artykuł jest próbą odpowiedzi na pytanie, jakie jest i jakie mogłoby być znaczenie tego miejsca pamięci (lieu de mémoire) w kształtującej się obecnie na Litwie kulturze pamięci Holocaustu. Badania pamięci kulturowej i zbiorowej, a także miejsc pamięci, zostały oparte na koncepcjach badawczych Jana i Aleidy Assmanów oraz Pierre’a Nory. Z jednej strony, napisany przez dziecko w getcie wileńskim pamiętnik ma dla pamięci kulturowej Litwy ogromne znaczenie symboliczne, etyczne i estetyczne, wzmocnione przez silne uczucie empatii wobec autora. Z drugiej strony, tekst pamiętnika stawia wysokie wymagania badawcze wynikające z konfliktu różnych interpretacji historii II wojny światowej i narracji pamięci. Socjalistyczne i proradzieckie poglądy autora, negatywny obraz Litwinów i swoista deheroizacja społeczności getta przekształca ten tekst w „problematyczne” miejce pamięci. Powyższe wyzwania badawcze są interpretowane w artykule jako znaki, które mogą opisać stan współczesnej litewskiej narracji Holocaustu i odpowiedzieć na pytanie, czy jest ona na tyle dojrzała, by w drodze dialogu zintegrować różne warianty pamięci kulturowej.


Author(s):  
Dolores Tierney

This chapter explores Juan José Campanella and his Oscar winning El secreto de sus ojos (The Secret in Their Eyes 2009). Unlike the other transnational auteurs focused upon in the book, he has not followed an initial critical and commercial domestic success (El hijo de la novia) with deterritorialized feature films outside of Argentina (although he has worked in US television). However, like the transnational auteurs he has been the object of analyses that criticize the mainstream ‘commercial’ forms and venues (transnational conglomerates) he works in and question the national credentials of his filmmaking. Arguing against a critical hierarchy that rates the features of art cinema (the New Argentine Cinema) above those of a commercial cinema, the chapter explores how in El secreto de sus ojos Campanella uses genre film to engage with the legacy of Argentina’s ‘Dirty War,’ with the period directly before it and also with the contemporary moment. This chapter argues that Campanella’s manipulation of melodrama and film noir are an effective means to self-consciously stage the past and also pose key issues of historical memory and accountability of the crimes committed during Argentina’s Dirty War.


2016 ◽  
Vol 58 (7) ◽  
pp. 1406-1412 ◽  
Author(s):  
Archie B. Carroll

This essay comments on the past and the future of the Social Issues in Management (SIM) Division of the Academy of Management (AOM). The essay addresses the two major questions posed to the commentators on this special issue: First, does the past of the SIM Division provide any clues as to its future? Second, where is the SIM Division going or where should it be going? The author has been a member of SIM since 1971 and served as program chair in 1975 and division chair in 1976 to 1977. SIM is certainly a field at the community and administrative levels, and you could argue that SIM is a discipline, though we are interdisciplinary. It is not as certain that we are unique or distinctive at the intellectual level because we are not always that different in kind or quality from what is being done elsewhere in AOM, and there are more and more scholars in other divisions now working on topics that we once worked on exclusively. However, it is equally unlikely that many of the other AOM divisions could meet a test of intellectual uniqueness. The essay emphasizes some ideas that might help improve the intellectual rigor of the SIM meetings, and the value of alliances with Society for Business Ethics (SBE) and International Association for Business and Society (IABS). A division name change, even if desirable, is not a compelling issue.


2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (6) ◽  
pp. 630-645
Author(s):  
Sarah Gensburger

Over the past 20 years, the number of memorial museums and memory exhibitions has increased exponentially and the commemoration of the Holocaust paved the way for this increase. This evolution has given rise to a significant amount of research. However, two questions remain largely unanswered: how are the protocols of memorial exhibitions planned and constructed in concrete terms? And then how do the visitors to these exhibitions use and appropriate this material? The search for the ‘visitor’s gaze’ which is at the heart of contemporary museum studies has only rarely been extended to memorial museums and exhibitions, even those dealing with Holocaust-related topics. This article aims to address this goal. It is thus situated at the crossroads of memory studies and museum studies. Based on extensive empirical material but within the limits of a case study, it focuses on the exhibition C’étaient des enfants. Déportation et sauvetage des enfants juifs à Paris, which was held at the Hotel de Ville in Paris, in 2012. In so doing, it aims to consider some of the underlying assumptions that often go unexamined in the scholarly work on Holocaust memory exhibitions and highlights the centrality of the witnessing memory mechanism as the main way of appropriating the exhibition.


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