scholarly journals “JENTON TURUN JENTON” LEADERSHIP OF TUMENGGUNG NGGRIP ON COMMUNITY ORANG RIMBA IN KEDUNDUNG MUDA, BUKIT DUABELAS NATIONAL PARK, JAMBI, INDONESIA

2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-34
Author(s):  
Sipin Putra

This study aims to describe Tumenggung Nggrip on Community Orang Rimba in Bukit Duabelas National Park. Political leadership can be analyzed from the Tumenggung Nggrip kinship system in this community. Custom rules “Jenton Turun Jenton” justify the political leadership in community-based on lineage by the previous leader. Politically Tumenggung Nggrip is the benefit of having a father who was to be Tumenggung. Tumenggung required to have some expertise prominent than the other. Ability to lead and understanding of custom that has been passed on by parents. Tumenggung Nggrip is superior compared with other individuals. Leadership held by close relatives of the Tumenggung. The kinship system in political leadership is able to confirm the position of Tumenggung as a respected. It has the power of access to economic resources, social and relationship with outsiders. Political level as a community can be analyzed as a form of democracy, but in practice, it tends to be influenced by the attitude of a leader in custom enforcement. Social system and political organization Orang Rimba is built on the concept of family, marriage, and kinship system.

1994 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 453-468 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alistair Cole

The study of political leadership, in France and elsewhere, must be appreciated in terms of the interaction between leadership resources (personal and positional) on the one hand, and environmental constraints and opportunities on the other. This article proposes a general framework for appraising comparative liberal democratic political leaderships. It illustrates the possibilities of the framework by evaluating the political leadership of the French President François Mitterrand.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 77-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cristiano Gori

The ageing of the countries’ populations, and in particular the growing number of the very old, is increasing the need for long-term care (LTC). Not surprisingly, therefore, the financing of LTC systems has become a crucial topic across the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). In the last three decades, various financing policies have been carried out in different countries and the related international debate has grown. The latter has so far focused mostly on the different alternatives to collect economic resources to pay for care. The international debate needs now to focus also on other issues, so far less discussed. One is the politics of LTC: the degree and nature of the political interest in LTC, that affects the size and profile of public financing. The other is resource allocation: how different services and benefits are distributed among people with different care needs, that determines if resources made available are optimized. If we do not pay more attention to these issues – inextricably connected to policies aimed to collect funds – our understanding of LTC financing will remain inevitably limited.


1993 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 480-514 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Gose

There is a strange and unacknowledged paradox in the historiography of the Incas. On the one hand, few would deny that theirs was a typically theocratic archaic state, a divine kingship in which the Inca was thought to.be the son of the Sun. On the other hand, the standard descriptions of Inca political structure barely mention religion and seem to assume a formal separation between state and cult.1I believe that these secularizing accounts are misguided and will show in this essay that the political structure of the pre-Columbian Andes took form primarily around a system of sacred ancestral relics and origin points known generically ashuacas. Each huaca defined a level of political organization that might nest into units of a higher order or subdivide into smaller groupings. Collectively they formed a segmentary hierarchy that transcended the boundaries of local ethnic polities and provided the basis for empires like that of the Incas. However, these huacas were also the focus of local kinship relations and agrarian fertility rituals. The political structure that they articulated therefore had a built-in concern for the metaphysical reproduction of human, animal, and plant life. Political power in the pre-Columbian Andes was particularly bound up with attempts to control the flow of water across the frontier of life and death, resulting in no clear distinction between ritual and administration.


2017 ◽  
Vol II (I) ◽  
pp. 64-72
Author(s):  
Shahid Iqbal ◽  
Jan Alam ◽  
Muhammad Zia-ur Rehman

In this paper, we examine the neighborhood especially Indian strategies for the region. The political philosophies and regional strategies related to developing economies in the region need synergy and strategically positive and constructive in nature. Their philosophy to rule and their foreign policy is different from all the other leadership. Indian Current Ruling Party seems involved in different terrorist activities, such Gujarat attack on Muslims and the incident of the Samjhota express. Indian Current Ruling Partys begins wrongdoing on the innocent Kashmiri, its forces also use pellet guns on Kashmiri Muslims. Indian economic strategy is to invest on Chahbahar Port and wish to side stop the economic mega project of CPEC. Indian influence increased in Afghanistan against Pakistan with the boycott of SAARC conference scheduled in Pakistan. The international community has found that Indian current political leadership is as one of the most influential negative political personality among the world leaders.


2014 ◽  
Vol 69 (02) ◽  
pp. 179-185
Author(s):  
Nicolas Barreyre ◽  
Geneviève Verdo

Over the course of the last twenty years, two historiographical movements have challenged the notion of sovereignty, particularly that of the “natural” anchoring of an absolute, statal form of sovereignty in a uniform territory as its perfected model. On the one hand, the experience of globalization that followed the fall of the Berlin Wall—and which fed talk of the “end of nation-states”—led to a new examination of the political organization of the contemporary world, which in part “deterritorialized” the issue of political control. On the other hand, the extraordinary rise in studies of colonial empires has established that sovereignty, far from being the homogeneous block of the jurist’s refined concept, could be exercised in varying degrees and even be conceived as multiple and “layered.”


1965 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 358-370 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cho-Yun Hsu

The consolidation of China did not come immediately with China's unification. It was not fully accomplished until the middle of the Former (Western) Han. The monolithic2 nature of the political powers and a group of local elite3 were then forming. And the bureaucracy, becoming much elaborated during this era, served to link the two. The elite group functioned, on the one hand as the reservoir of candidates to officialdom, and on the other hand, as the leading element with education, prestige, and often wealth, in the community. Based on these concepts, this paper ventures to present the formation of the local elite group through the changing social base of political power during Western Han.


1968 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 142-161 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roger K. Tangri

The years of colonial rule in Malawi (formerly Nyasaland) were characterised by the imposition of a political and social system whereby a superior European authority attempted to exercise its will over a territory already populated by Africans. This enforced colonial relationship determined the pattern of political change within the Protectorate, so that any variation in the fundamentals of the relationship was bound to have important repercussions on the total colonial situation. From the earliest years of British rule in Malawi, Africans sought to modify or alter the colonial relationship and it is this sort of African sentiment and activity in reaction to alien control and domination that has come to be regarded as manifestations of nationalism not only in colonial Malawi but also in the other ex-colonial territories of Africa. Thomas Hodgkin, for example, has lumped under the general rubric of ‘nationalism’ “any organisation or group that explicitly asserts the rights, claims and aspirations of a given African society (from the level of the language-group to that of ‘Pan-Africa’) in opposition to European authority, whatever its institutional form and objectives”. Others, however, although appreciating the deep roots of nationalism have tended to confine the use of the term to the post-1945 period with its emergence of nation-wide movements seeking self-government and independence. They have argued that to include every social movement of protest against alien rule as a part of nationalism obscures the political meaning of the concept, blurs the important distinctions that can be made among African responses to the colonial situation, and makes comparative analysis difficult.


Author(s):  
Emily Van Duyn

Republicans and Democrats increasingly distrust, avoid, and wish harm upon those from the other party. To make matters worse, they also increasingly reside among like-minded others and are part of social groups that share their political beliefs. All of this can make expressing a dissenting political opinion hard. Yet digital and social media have given people new spaces for political discourse and community, and more control over who knows their political beliefs and who does not. With Democracy Lives in Darkness, Van Duyn looks at what these changes in the political and media landscape mean for democracy. She uncovers and follows a secret political organization in rural Texas over the entire Trump presidency. The group, which organized out of fear of their conservative community in 2016, has a confidentiality agreement, an email listserv and secret Facebook group, and meets in secret every month. By building relationships with members, she explores how and why they hide their beliefs and what this does for their own political behavior and for their community. Drawing on research from communication, political science, and sociology along with survey data on secret political expression, Van Duyn finds that polarization has led even average partisans to hide their political beliefs from others. And although intensifying polarization will likely make political secrecy more common, she argues that this secrecy is not just evidence that democracy is hurting, but that it is still alive, that people persist in the face of opposition, and that this matters if democracy is to survive.


Afrika Focus ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 5 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 21-63
Author(s):  
Patrick Wymeersch

The Traditional Royal Court Among the bin Kanyok of Zaire This description represents what was more or less an ideal conception of political organization and kingship before the colonial period. If the traditional systems of ruling still remain, the material symbolism of kingship disappeared mostly in the scene of daily life in the king’s large capital. Looking at the political organization, two seemingly contradictory features emerge. On the one hand, there are the politically quasi-independent lineages living in the villages. The chief or eldest of a lineage is at the same time chief of the whole village. On the other hand, there is the formal political organization, build on a hierarchical model and imposed from the top. This political system is notable for its very high degree of centralization, and especially for the strong authority and power of the divine king. For the purpose of government, the kingdom is divided into sub-districts, containing several villages of an area, districts and provinces. They all depend, in hierarchy,from the capital. The capital accommodates most of the members of the royal family, numerous wives and children from the king and the ministers. The king’s compound, standing in the middle of the capital, is surrounded by a fence. This compound is divided into four specific parts and contains several houses and the palace of the king. On both sides of the royal compound, there is a main street where the ministers and their families live. The king’s person is surrounded by a number of taboos. No one could see him eat in his private kitchen. The principal problem in the political organization is that of the administering the rest of the Kanyok empire, of keeping as a political unit a population divided into autonomous lineages. The model that is followed is, in general, typical of the kingdoms of the southern savanna belt of Zaire. Therefore the structure is pyramidal: the king at the apex delegates his power and authority to the governors. Their position duplicates that of the king, but on a smaller scale. The king is assisted by his ministers to whom he assigned highly specific functions. The king still remains the main focus for all the Bin Kanyok.


Author(s):  
Brenda Griselda Guevara Sánchez ◽  
Francisco Javier Verduzco Miramón

En este escrito reflexionamos sobre las condiciones históricas que influyeron para que en dos espacios geográficos, organizativos y económicos distintos existan importantes similitudes en la producción de complejos liderazgos agrarios. Por un lado, la comunidad agraria de Zirahuén en Michoacán, nos centraremos en la figura política de Marcos Paz Calvillo; por el otro el ejido de Campos, Colima con Armín Núñez Meza. Estas organizaciones son analizadas como comunidades políticas perennes, en las cuales su propia historia y las biografías de los sujetos estudiados estuvieron en constante producción y disputa. Con base en nuestros resultados etnográficos proponemos la noción de liderazgos políticos situados, cuyo rango de influencia depende, en gran medida, de los objetivos, espacios, públicos y condiciones históricas específicas de sus respectivas formaciones. Abstract This paper analyzes the historical conditions that allowed two very different geographic, organizational and economic spaces to develop important similarities in the production of complex agrarian leaderships; on one hand, the agrarian community of Zirahuén in Michoacán, centered in the political figure of Marcos Paz Calvillo; on the other, the Campos ejido in Colima with its leader, Armín Núñez Meza. These organizations are examined as perennial political communities in which local history and the biographies of the subjects studied emerged through an ongoing process of production and dispute. Based on our ethnographic results we propose the notion of situated political leadership in these communities; the degree of influence exerted by such leaderships depends largely on the objectives, spaces, publics and specific historical conditions of their respective formation.


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