Modern Political Philosophy and Prehistoric Anthropology: Some Preliminary Issues

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karl Widerquist ◽  
Grant S. McCall
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
The State ◽  
Academic Disciplines ◽  
State Of Nature ◽  
Theory Section ◽  
To Receive ◽  
The Relationship

Because this book involves two very different academic disciplines, political philosophy and anthropology, some background about the relevant topics in each one is helpful. In this chapter, Section 1 introduces the relevant political theory. Section 2 discusses some of the anthropological methods and conceptual issues involved in the examination of the evidence relevant to these philosophical arguments. Section 3 discusses how the state and the state of nature are defined in relation to each other. Section 4 addresses some responses this book is likely to receive. Section 5 discusses the relationship between this book and modern indigenous peoples.

scholarly journals Potência de ação e ordem: o poder e a razão segundo Nicolau Maquiavel e Thomas Hobbes

2006 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Wolfgang Kersting
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Key Words ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
Thomas Hobbes ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Second Moment ◽  
State Of Nature ◽  
First Moment ◽  
The Relationship

O autor apresenta aborda, primeiramente, a relação entre poder e razão no pensamento político de Maquiavel. Num segundo momento, apresenta, no pensamento de Hobbes, a trajetória que se estende da razão impotente do estado de natureza até à razão poderosa do Estado, dispensador de segurança. PALAVRAS-CHAVE – Maquiavel. Hobbes. Poder. Razão. ABSTRACT The author analyses in a first moment the relationship between power and reason in the political thought of Machiavelli. In a second moment, he exposes, according to Hobbes’s political philosophy, the path to be gone through from the powerless reason of the state of nature towards the powerful reason of the State, which grants security. KEY WORDS – Machiavelli. Hobbes. Power. Reason.

scholarly journals SEGURIDAD Y JUSTICIA BAJO ACOSO EN TIEMPOS DE VIOLENCIA NEOLIBERAL: las respuestas de la policía comunitaria de guerrero

2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 11 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Teresa Sierra
Keyword(s):  
Indigenous People ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
The State ◽  
Community Police ◽  
El Sistema ◽  
The Right ◽  
Key Aspects ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Eu

La policía comunitaria es una institución de los pueblos indígenas de Guerrero conocida por su capacidad para enfrentar a la delincuencia y generar alternativas de paz social., através de un sistema de justicia y seguridad autónomo. En los últimos años, sin embargo, el sistema comunitario enfrenta el acoso de actores diversos vinculados al incremento de la violencia y la inseguridad que se vive en el país y especialmente en el estado de Guerrero; dicha situación está impactando a la institucionalidad comunitaria, obligando a su redefinición. En este trabajo destaco aspectos centrales de dicha conflictividad así como las respuestas que han dado los comunitarios para hacer frente a las tareas de justicia y seguridad en el marco de nuevos contextos marcados por el despojo neoliberal y la impunidad de actores estatales y no estatales. En este proceso se actualiza la relación de la policía comunitaria con el Estado revelando el peso de la ambigüedad legal y los juegos del poder así como los usos contra-hegemónicos del derecho para disputar la justicia. ---SEGURANÇA E JUSTIÇA SOB ACOSSO EM TEMPOS DE VIOLÊNCIA NEOLIBERAL: respostas do policiamento comunitário de GuerreroO policiamento comunitário é uma instituição dos Povos Indígenas do Guerrero conhecidos por sua capacidade de lidar com o crime e gerar paz social de forma alternativa, usando um sistema próprio de justiça e segurança. Nos últimos anos, no entanto, o sistema da UE enfrenta assédio de várias autoridades envolvidas no aumento da violência e da insegurança que reina no país e, especialmente, no estado de Guerrero; essa situação está afetando as instituições comunitárias, forçando a sua redefinição. Neste artigo, destaco os principais aspectos do conflito e as respostas que têm a comunidade para lidar com as tarefas da justiça e da segurança no contexto dos novos contextos marcados por pilhagem neoliberal e a impunidade de atores estatais e não estatais. Neste processo, a relação de policiamento comunitário com o estado é atualizada, revelando o peso da ambiguidade e dos jogos de poder legais, além de usos contra-hegemônicos do direito de disputar a justiça.Palavras-chave: violência neoliberal; Guerrero; comunidades indígenas---SECURITY AND JUSTICE UNDER HARASSMENT IN TIMES OF NEOLIBERAL VIOLENCE: responses of the Community Police of GuerreroThe community police is an institution of the Indigenous Peoples of Guerrero known for its ability to deal with crime and generate alternatives for social peace, using a system of justice and self security. In recent years, however, the EU system faces harassment from various people responsible for the increase of violence and insecurity within the country and especially in the state in Guerrero; this situation is impacting instituitions in the community, forcing their redefinition. In this paper I highlight key aspects of the conflict and the community's responses to deal with the tasks of justice and security in new contexts marked by neoliberal plunder and impunity of the state (as well as non state figures). In this process, the relationship of the community police with the state is updated revealing the weight of legal ambiguity and power plays, as well as counter-hegemonic use of the right to dispute justice.key words: neoliberal vilence; Guerrero; indigenous people.

The Muslim Tradition of Political Philosophy

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shahrough Akhavi
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Islamic Law ◽  
Religion And Politics ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Epistemological Foundation ◽  
The Individual

The doctrine of salvation in Islam centers on the community of believers. Contemporary Muslim political philosophy (or, preferably, political theory) covers a broad expanse that brings under its rubric at least two diverse tendencies: an approach that stresses the integration of religion and politics, and an approach that insists on their separation. Advocates of the first approach seem united in their desire for the “Islamization of knowledge,” meaning that the epistemological foundation of understanding and explanation in all areas of life, including all areas of political life, must be “Islamic.” Thus, one needs to speak of an “Islamic anthropology,” an “Islamic sociology,” an “Islamic political science,” and so on. But there is also a distinction that one may make among advocates of this first approach. Moreover, one can say about many, perhaps most, advocates of the first approach that they feel an urgency to apply Islamic law throughout all arenas of society. This article focuses on the Muslim tradition of political philosophy and considers the following themes: the individual and society, the state, and democracy.

The Exile of Political Theory: The Lost Homeland of Legitimation

1995 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 683-697 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jon Simons
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legitimation Crisis ◽  
Implicit Definitions ◽  
Recurrent Theme

A sense of distance or exile is a recurrent theme of the literature in which the state of the political theory is either lamented or acclaimed. A review of these tales suggests that implicit definitions of the homeland of the sub-discipline as philosophical, practical or interpretive are inadequate, leading to mistaken diagnoses of the reasons for the ills or recovery of political philosophy. This paper argues that political theory has been exiled from its previous role or homeland of legitimation of political orders. Under contemporary conditions in the advanced liberal capitalist political order, in which a media-generated imagology of society as a communicative system fills the role of a legitimating discourse, political theory faces a legitimation crisis.

Part 1 Freedom of Religion or Belief, 1.3.2 Places of Worship

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bielefeldt Heiner, Prof ◽  
Ghanea Nazila, Dr ◽  
Wiener Michael, Dr
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
The State ◽  
Religious Communities ◽  
International Humanitarian Law ◽  
International Human Rights Law ◽  
Humanitarian Law ◽  
Human Rights Law ◽  
Sacred Sites ◽  
The Relationship

This chapter discusses various human rights violations that arise in the context of constructing, owning, accessing, using, protecting, and preserving places of worship or other religious sites. When members of religious communities wish to construct and own places of worship they often face restrictions that are imposed by the State or competing claims by other religious communities. In this context, the conversion of places of worship as well as their confiscation and unfair restitution provisions may lead to further problems for religious communities. Furthermore, access to religious sites and their use is often unduly restricted by the State, impeded in practice by non-State actors, or hampered by religious precepts which discriminate against some people within the same religious or belief community. The chapter also discusses issues of interpretation, including the relationship between international human rights law and international humanitarian law in the context of religious sites, the obligations of various duty-bearers, and sacred sites of indigenous peoples.

Kant’s Provisionality Thesis

2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 439-463 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. P. MESSINA
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
The State ◽  
Standard View ◽  
State Of Nature ◽  
External Objects ◽  
Civil Condition ◽  
Normative Implications

AbstractI argue that Kant’s mature political philosophy entails the provisionality thesis. The provisionality thesis asserts that in a world like ours, populated with beings sufficiently like us, acquired rights (rights to external objects of choice, including property, sovereignty and territory) are necessarily provisional. I motivate the standard view, which restricts the notion of provisional right to the state of nature and the transition from the state of nature to the civil condition. I then provide two textual arguments against it. I conclude by reflecting on the normative implications of the provisionality thesis, arguing that they are more modest than has been formerly appreciated.

Kant’s Political Philosophy as a Theory of Non-Ideal Normativity

Kant-Studien ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 107 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Christoph Horn
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
Categorical Imperative ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract:Kant’s political philosophy confronts its interpreters with a crucial difficulty: it is far from clear if (or how) Kant, in his political theory, makes use of the Categorical Imperative (CI). It is notoriously demanding to clarify the relationship that exists between his political thought on the one hand and the ethics of the

Sovereignty and freedom: Immanuel Kant's liberal internationalist ‘legacy’

2001 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 209-228 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANTONIO FRANCESCHET
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
Human Freedom ◽  
State Sovereignty ◽  
The Relationship

This article explores a fundamental division among contemporary liberal internationalists regarding the relationship between state sovereignty and the goal of freedom. The article suggests that, in spite of his popular status among a wide variety of contemporary liberal international theorists, Immanuel Kant's political philosophy is an extraordinarily ambiguous ‘legacy’ because of the dualistic doctrine of state sovereignty to which he subscribed. Kant's thought is committed to state sovereignty while providing the grounds for a profound critique of its existence. The reason that sovereignty is ambiguous in Kant's political theory is that it is justified by his bifurcated understanding of human freedom.

scholarly journals Nature and Artifice in Hobbes’s International Political Thought

2015 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-34
Author(s):  
Maximilian Jaede
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
The State ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
State Of Nature ◽  
Lasting Peace ◽  
Contrary Effect

This article argues that the artificiality of Hobbesian states facilitates their coexistence and eventual reconciliation. In particular, it is suggested that international relations may be characterised by an artificial equality, which has a contrary effect to the natural equality of human beings. Unlike individuals in Hobbes’s account of the state of nature, sovereigns are not compelled to wage war out of fear and distrust, but have prudential reasons to exercise self-restraint. Ultimately rulers serve as disposable figureheads who can be replaced by a foreign invader. Thus, this article highlights the implications of Hobbes’s views on sovereignty by acquisition, which allow for states to be decomposed and reassembled in order to re-establish lasting peace. It is concluded that these findings help to explain why Hobbes does not provide something akin to modern theories of international relations, as foreign affairs appear to be reducible to a matter of either prudence or political philosophy.

scholarly journals On the difference between the reasonable and the rational in normative political theory

2019 ◽  
Vol 62 (4) ◽  
pp. 135-146
Author(s):  
Ivan Mladenovic
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
Main Concern ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
Fair Principles ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Normative Political Theory

In this paper I will explore the importance of making the difference between the reasonable and the rational for normative political theory. The starting point of my analysis is Rawls?s distinction between the rational and the reasonable in his later political philosophy. For Rawls one of the main characteristics of reasonable persons is that they are able to offer the justifications for their actions, but also for fair principles of cooperation, in terms of reasons that all can accept. There are many criticisms of this view of reasonable persons and its role within normative political theory. My main concern, however, is whether the presupposition of reasonableness is necessary if one already assumes that all individuals are rational. I will argue that not only the reasonable, but the relationship between the reasonable and the rational is crucially important for normative political theory.

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