Wales, Devolution and the Scottish Independence Debate

Author(s):  
Sian Powell

The chapter begins by noting a recent historical tendency for Wales to take an interest in Scottish political developments, alongside deficiencies in the Welsh media landscape and a lack of Welsh media engagement with Welsh politics. It is observed that yet fewer Welsh media consumers have the opportunity to engage with indigenous media than counterparts in Scotland. Awareness of the potential implications of Scottish constitutional developments for Wales produced substantial coverage of the Scottish referendum. The tightening of the polls just ahead of the referendum caused a spike in Welsh coverage, in which however the Welsh media faced challenges in adopting a view differentiated from London coverage. The chapter concludes with observations about absences in the Welsh media ecology.

2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 381-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Euan Hague ◽  
Alan Mackie

The United States media have given rather little attention to the question of the Scottish referendum despite important economic, political and military links between the US and the UK/Scotland. For some in the US a ‘no’ vote would be greeted with relief given these ties: for others, a ‘yes’ vote would be acclaimed as an underdog escaping England's imperium, a narrative clearly echoing America's own founding story. This article explores commentary in the US press and media as well as reporting evidence from on-going interviews with the Scottish diaspora in the US. It concludes that there is as complex a picture of the 2014 referendum in the United States as there is in Scotland.


2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Kopasker

Existing research has consistently shown that perceptions of the potential economic consequences of Scottish independence are vital to levels of support for constitutional change. This paper attempts to investigate the mechanism by which expectations of the economic consequences of independence are formed. A hypothesised causal micro-level mechanism is tested that relates constitutional preferences to the existing skill investments of the individual. Evidence is presented that larger skill investments are associated with a greater likelihood of perceiving economic threats from independence. Additionally, greater perceived threat results in lower support for independence. The impact of uncertainty on both positive and negative economic expectations is also examined. While uncertainty has little effect on negative expectations, it significantly reduces the likelihood of those with positive expectations supporting independence. Overall, it appears that a general economy-wide threat is most significant, and it is conjectured that this stems a lack of information on macroeconomic governance credentials.


2017 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 212-228 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Osmond

This paper examines the electoral and ideological contest that has taken place between Welsh Labour and Plaid Cymru in the five National Assembly elections that have been held between 1999 and 2016. Both parties have found success when they have managed to combine effective leadership with a coherent programme and a strong sense of Welsh identity. However, the Welsh vote to leave the EU in the June 2016 referendum has dealt both parties a poor hand in speaking up for Welsh interests. Can they find a common cause in working together and also with Scotland to take Wales forward in a progressive constitutional direction?


2009 ◽  
Vol 68 (First Serie (1) ◽  
pp. 100-118
Author(s):  
Michael Keating

2017 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 391-410 ◽  
Author(s):  
David McCrone

The Brexit referendum in 2016 was a major turning-point in British and Scottish politics, reflected in a majority for Leave in England, but for Remain in Scotland. This article uses the British and Scottish Social Surveys for 2016 to explain Scottish-English differences, and finds that there were broad similarities in terms of social and demographic characteristics, and in terms of social values (‘authoritarians’ voting for Leave). Being ‘English’, however, was much more significant than being ‘Scottish’ in accounting for Brexit vote. The association between Brexit vote and constitutional preferences, notably voting intention in a future Scottish Independence Referendum, is far less clear-cut. Brexit promises to be a political game-changer, but in ways which are complex and unpredictable.


2015 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Eberhard Bort

The decisive No vote in the Scottish independence referendum on 18 September 2014 was not a vote for the constitutional status quo, although it confirmed that Scotland would remain part of the United Kingdom. The referendum outcome is likely to have far-reaching consequences for the power relations between London and Edinburgh and, perhaps more than expected, for the constitutional future of the entire UK. A tight timetable for the delivery of extra powers for the Scottish Parliament is in place, and the ‘elephant in the room’, the constitutional status and governance of England, is now firmly on the agenda. There is also pressure for decentralisation in Scotland itself. And the huge ‘democratic awakening’ which characterised this ‘national conversation’ about Scotland's future, with massive democratic participation and a record turnout, demands that these changes will have to be brought about in a participative way – and not ‘top-down’, as a Westminster or Holyrood ‘stitch-up’.


2010 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 150-167
Author(s):  
Jim McDonnell

This paper is a first attempt to explore how a theology of communication might best integrate and develop reflection on the Internet and the problematic area of the so-called “information society.” It examines the way in which official Church documents on communications have attempted to deal with these issues and proposes elements for a broader framework including “media ecology,” information ethics and more active engagement with the broader social and policy debates.


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