The political and security repercussions of Islamic State in the MENA region

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marién Durán ◽  
Víctor Bados
Keyword(s):  
The Self ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Security Framework ◽  
Mena Region ◽  
International Response ◽  
Domain Type ◽  
Occupied Territories ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

This chapter examines the political, territorial and security repercussions of the self-proclaimed Islamic State (IS) for the MENA region, and particularly in Syria, Iraq and Libya. The proclamation of the IS, on 29 June 2014, has had a major impact on political and security alike. It has been given a new twist to the war in Iraq and Syria and the Libyan conflict on the following aspects: (i) amplifying and making the conflict more complex with related implications on security; (ii) establishing a new mode of governance in the conquered territories; and (iii) further producing a new security framework in MENA region. After a brief contextualization about the origins and goals of IS, the chapter analyses the following sections: (i) the impact of IS in the security domain (type of conflict with its own signs of identity); (ii) the government exerted in the occupied territories; and (iii) the implications and impacts on the security realm throughout MENA region by focusing on two main domains: the international response to the threat provided by the international community, and the new configuration of regional and global alliances. The main contribution of this chapter dues to the scarcity of studies in this regard is the analysis of the IS’ conflict typology.

Referendum konstytucyjne we Włoszech. Jak głosowanie ludowe wpływa na system polityczny państwa?

2017 ◽  
pp. 110-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Kużelewska
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Public Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

This article analyses the impact of constitutional referendums on the political system in Italy. There were three constitutional referendums conducted in 2001, 2006 and 2016. All of them have been organised by the ruling parties, however, only the first one was successful. In the subsequent referendums, the proposals for amending the constitution have been rejected by voters. The article finds that lack of public support for the government resulted in voting „no” in the referendum.

scholarly journals The Ancient Walls of Damascus and the Siege of Mouaddamiyya: A Historical and Spatial Analysis of Bounded Place and Cultural Identity

2017 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 441-453 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nour Halabi
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Identity ◽  
Spatial Organization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Public Response ◽  
The Public ◽  
Syrian Crisis ◽  
Political Turmoil ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Vast Area

Throughout the Syrian crisis, the presence of material and symbolic boundaries to culture became a particularly salient element of the continuously unfolding political turmoil. As one terrorist group, Daesh, or the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, seeks to unite the vast area of the Middle East under the political, religious, and cultural administration of a “Greater State of Syria,” or “al-Sham,” this article revisits the historical spatial organization of Damascus and the construction of city boundaries and walls as factors that contributed to the cultivation of spatially grounded cleavages within Syrian and Damascene identity. In the latter section of this article, I reflect on the impact of these cleavages on the Syrian crisis by focusing on the public response to the siege of the Mouaddamiyya neighborhood.

ENTREPRENEURS OF THE CENTRAL BLACK EARTH REGION IN 1917 - EARLY 1918

2021 ◽  
pp. 82-88
Author(s):  
Mikhail E. Razinkov
Keyword(s):  
Balance Of Power ◽  
The Self ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Self Organization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mutual Benefit ◽  
Soviet Government ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
The Government ◽  
Soviet Historiography

On the basis of published and previously unexplored archival materials from Voronezh, Orel, Kursk, Tambov, Bryansk, the self-organization and relationship with the government of entrepreneurs of the Central Black Earth Region in the period from spring 1917 to summer 1918 is studied. Studying this social group is important for understanding the balance of power in the region. The author comes to the conclusion that entrepreneurs, despite their active participation in political life in the spring and summer of 1917, due to the preservation of traditional ideas about power and the desire to protect and enhance their rights, could not have a significant impact on the development of the political situation in the region. Entrepreneurs did not enjoy exclusive support from government bodies, including government, which refutes the concept that existed in Soviet historiography about the bourgeois nature of the February regime. Moreover, in resolving conflicts, the authorities in 1917 tried to take into account, first of all, the interests of workers. This situation worsened even more for the bourgeoisie with the coming to power of the Bolsheviks and Left Socialist-Revolutionaries, who not only supported workers' demands, but also openly robbed entrepreneurs with the help of indemnities. Nevertheless, in order to maintain peace, the Soviet government (especially by the summer of 1918) tried to resolve relations between workers and employers for mutual benefit. At the same time, during the period under study, conflicts between workers and employers reached a high intensity relatively rarely, leaving room for agreements and dialogue, which, however, narrowed.

Misplaced Trust? Occupational Therapy and NHS Trusts

1994 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 40-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Walter Lloyd-Smith
Keyword(s):  
National Health Service ◽  
Health Service ◽  
Occupational Therapy ◽  
National Health ◽  
Health Professionals ◽  
The Self ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Therapy Service

The present governmental reforms of the National Health Service are the most far-reaching to date and have fundamental implications for health professionals. The focus of this article is to raise some of these issues in relation to occupational therapy. The introduction of trusts, the purchaser/provider split and the internal market are some of the mechanisms by which the government hoped to tackle the funding crisis of the late 1980s. These reforms have been operating since 1991, but little has been published on the impact of the self-governing trust movement on occupational therapy. Some observations on and an evaluation of these reforms are offered. It is hoped that the article will stimulate discussion within the profession about the role of trusts and their relationship to the delivery and development of an occupational therapy service.

Security Council Resolution 1101 (1997) and the Multinational Protection Force of Operation Alba in Albania

1999 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 511-547 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dino Kritsiotis
Keyword(s):  
Security Council ◽  
Humanitarian Assistance ◽  
Security Council Resolution ◽  
The Political ◽  
International Organisations ◽  
Humanitarian Crisis ◽  
Secure Environment ◽  
The Government ◽  
Pyramid Schemes ◽  
The Impact

In March 1997, the Security Council adopted Resolution 1101 (1997) which authorised a multinational protection force – known as Operation Alba – to enter Albania “to facilitate the safe and prompt delivery of humanitarian assistance, and to help create a secure environment for the missions of international organisations in Albania, including those providing humanitarian assistance.” Created with the consent of the government of Albania, the intervention occurred as a direct but also as a near-immediate response to the political, financial and humanitarian crisis that had been precipitated by the collapse of so-called pyramid schemes in Albania. The purpose of this article is to examine the background of the adoption of Resolution 1101 (1997) and then to investigate the impact and importance of the consent for the operation given by the beleaguered government of President Sali Berisha. The article will then analyse the legal significance, meaning and interpretation of Security Council in Resolution 1101 (1997), as amended in Resolution 1114 of June 1997, in its endeavour to provide an account of the organisation, achievements, shortcomings and lessons of Operation Alba.

The Political Legacy of Lázaro Cárdenas

1983 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 383-405 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles H. Weston
Keyword(s):  
Public Schools ◽  
National Level ◽  
Decisive Role ◽  
The Political ◽  
Reform Process ◽  
Industrial Workers ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Lazaro Cardenas ◽  
The Revolution

The political legacy of Lázaro Cárdenas is marked by a striking paradox. On the one hand, Cárdenas as president of Mexico from 1934 to 1940 presided over the most radical phase of the Mexican Revolution or what some historians call the “Second Revolution.” He was instrumental in organizing industrial workers and peasants at the national level and incorporating both groups into the reorganized government party, the Partido de la Revolutión Mexicana (PRM), that had as its declared purpose the establishment of a “workers' democracy” in Mexico. Under his leadership the government supported the demands of industrial workers for higher wages and improved working conditions, greatly expanded the distribution of land to the peasantry, established new welfare programs, nationalized the railroad and petroleum industries and inaugurated a program of socialist education in the public schools. The prestige of Cárdenas as the foremost leader of the radical phase of the Revolution was enhanced by the fact that he, unlike many of his contemporaries, never attempted to use political office for personal financial gain; he was not a rich man when he completed his term of office as president. At the time of his death in 1970, Cárdenas was eulogized as “the greatest figure produced by the Revolution… an authentic revolutionary who aspired to the greatness of his country, not personal aggrandizement.” On the other hand, Cárdenas was the architect of the corporatist system of interest representation, including labor, peasant and business organizations, that provided the institutional framework of what Crane Brinton has called the “Thermidor,” i.e., the conservative reaction to the radical phase of the revolutionary process, that began in Mexico in approximately 1940. The institutions developed by Cárdenas were utilized by his successors to curtail the very reforms, such as agrarian and labor reform and socialist education, that had been central to his reform program. Moreover Cárdenas facilitated the transition to a more conservative era by naming as his successor Manuel Ávila Camacho, who was known to favor a moderation of the reform process, rather than Francisco Múgica, the preferred candidate of the radicals in the government. In short, Cárdenas played a decisive role both in presiding over the radical phase of the Revolution and in launching and shaping the relatively conservative post-1940 era. The paradox of the political legacy of Cárdenas is that though the seemingly radical reforms he carried out had a lasting impact upon Mexican politics, the impact was predominantly conservative rather than radical. This essay will endeavor to explain the paradoxical political legacy of Lázaro Cárdenas by focusing upon his ideology, the institutional reforms he carried out while president, and the impact of those reforms after 1940.

scholarly journals The Malaysian Federal Constitution: An Islamic or a Secular Constitution?

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 134
Author(s):  
Syed Fadhil Hanafi Syed A. Rahman
Keyword(s):  
Salient Feature ◽  
Basic Structure ◽  
Public Law ◽  
The Other ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Federal Constitution ◽  
Relevant Case ◽  
The Government ◽  
Personal Law ◽  
The Impact

Constitutionalism dictates that the government must only act within the four walls of the constitution. While adherence to this fundamental doctrine is proven to be difficult, it becomes more complicated when the walls are unclear. For decades, Malaysians struggle to ascertain the actual legal value of religion, particularly Islam, in its Federal Constitution and the impact of religion to the Malaysian legal system. Some opined that secularism is a basic structure of the Malaysian Federal Constitution and in the name of constitutionalism, religious laws cannot be the basis for administration of public law and must be confined to personal law matters. On the other hand, some opined that Islam constitutes a salient feature of the Constitution and the position of Islam as the religion of the Federation implies Malaysia as an Islamic state. This paper analyses the conflicting views, via qualitative studies of constitutional provisions which have religious element in the light of their history, together with relevant case laws which interpreted them. The analysis is done with a view to determine whether the Malaysian Federal Constitution is a secular instrument creating a secular state or a religious document establishing a theocratic state. From such analysis, the author presents that the Malaysian Federal Constitution, albeit giving special preference to Islam, is a religion-neutral document which is receptive to both religious and secular laws. This is based on the fact that the Constitution upholds the validity of both secular and religious laws for as long as they are enacted according to procedural laws required by the Constitution.

scholarly journals PREVENTION OF TORTURE ON THE TEMPORARILY OCCUPIED TERRITORIES OF UKRAINE

2021 ◽  
pp. 142-147
Author(s):  
Kh. Yamelska
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Effective Means ◽  
The State ◽  
Council Of Europe ◽  
European Court ◽  
Occupied Territories ◽  
The Government ◽  
Legal Pressure ◽  
The Impact

The article reveals the content of armed aggression and the legal status of the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine. Russia's aggression against Ukraine is considered in historical retrospect. Cases of torture and other ill-treatment on the temporarily occupied territories have been demonstrated in specific cases. The article examines the state of human rights on the temporarily occupied territories, namely the prevention of torture and other ill-treatment. Ways to prevent torture and ill-treatment in order to respect human rights and maintain the rule of law have been identified. The author determined that system of counteraction to aggression of Russia, which consists the political, legal and economic means, includes the prevention of torture and ill-treatment.The author notes that the adoption of UN GA resolutions and other documents of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe are new elements of increasing legal pressure on Russia. The submission of interstate applications by the Government of Ukraine to the European Court of Human Rights against the Russian Federation is one of the effective means of preventing torture. The article reveals the impact of expert and advocacy activities of non-governmental human rights organizations on the prevention of torture and the state of human rights on the temporarily occupied territories. It is noted that maintaining contacts with the citizens of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, constant informing, as well as obtaining information by the Ukrainian side on the state of human rights in the temporarily occupied territory provides an opportunity to partially prevent such violations and allow future reintegration of these territories. Keywords: prevention of torture, temporarily occupied territories, armed aggression, observance of human rights.

scholarly journals Post-ISIS Iraq and the Shia Armed Groups

2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 122-137
Author(s):  
Kardo Rached ◽  
Ahmed Omar Bali
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Environment ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Armed Groups ◽  
Weberian Theory ◽  
Supreme Leader ◽  
The Government ◽  
The City ◽  
Self Defence

The political environment of Iraq in the period from 2011-2014 experienced a great degree of turbulence. Many Sunni tribes in the Anbar, Ramadi and Salahadin regions organized a daily protest against the central government, accusing it of being sectarian. Gradually, these protests become more popular, and the Baghdad government became fearful that it would spread into the other regions of Iraq. In order to control the protests, the government used force, and many were killed. Simultaneously, in Syria, and especially during 2013-2014, the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) controlled more land and more people, and to take advantage of the Iraqi people's dissatisfaction with their government, ISIS crossed the border between Iraq and Syria in June 2014. Mosul as the second most heavily populated city was seized by ISIS and the Iraqi army could not fight back, which meant that the Iraqi army retreated from most of the Sunni areas. Even Baghdad, the capital of Iraq, and the city where the central government operates, was threatened. While the Iraqi army was unable to fight against ISIS, the Shia religious supreme leader Al-Sistani called for self-defence and to stand against ISIS. Sistani’s call became a cornerstone for the creation of the so-called Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) with the aim of the fighting against ISIS. In this article, we assess the PMF from different perspectives, for example, using the Weberian theory that the state is the only entity that has a monopoly on violence, considering Ariel Ahram's model of state-sponsored and government-sponsored militias, and finally the devolution of violence to these armed groups.

Trade Policy in American Economic History

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-44
Author(s):  
Douglas A. Irwin
Keyword(s):  
Trade Policy ◽  
Economic History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
The Great Depression ◽  
Us Economy ◽  
Us Trade Policy ◽  
The Government ◽  
Main Instrument ◽  
The Impact

This article reviews the broad changes in US trade policy over the course of the nation's history. Import tariffs have been the main instrument of trade policy and have had three main purposes: to raise revenue for the government, to restrict imports and protect domestic producers from foreign competition, and to reach reciprocity agreements that reduce trade barriers. Each of these three objectives—revenue, restriction, and reciprocity—was predominant in one of three consecutive periods in history. The political economy of these tariffs has been driven by the location of trade-related economic interests in different regions and the political power of those regions in Congress. The review also addresses the impact of trade policies on the US economy, such as the welfare costs of tariffs, the role of protectionism in fostering US industrialization, and the relationship between the Smoot–Hawley Tariff Act and the Great Depression of the 1930s.

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