The Distribution of Wealthy Athenians in the Attic Demes

2018 ◽  
pp. 376-402
Author(s):  
James Kierstead ◽  
Roman Klapaukh
Keyword(s):  
Population Density ◽  
Good Predictor ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Distribution Of Wealth ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Methodological Problems

An equable distribution of wealth and of access to political power is often seen as a key condition for democracy. While some scholars of classical Attica (such as Lewis and Ismard) have taken the view that resources and influence were smoothly spread, others (Osborne and Jones, for example) have claimed that there existed significant clusters of privilege. This chapter draws on a dataset on demes compiled by Ober and Teegarden from a number of standard works (by Davies, Hansen, and Whitehead). After considering some methodological
problems raised by the nature of the evidence, it focuses on the question of whether wealth and power were distributed in a way that mirrors population density. Using a number of proxies for wealth and political power, it runs regressions aimed at seeing whether these variables were correlated with population across demes. It concludes that most of the indicators for wealth and participation in classical Attica match up very closely with population. A citizen's origins in a particular deme are never a good predictor of his wealth or influence in the classical democratic state.

scholarly journals Some Methodological Problems of Preventing Crimes Against Political Rights in Modern Democratic States (Philosophy-Legal Dimension)

wisdom ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 74-81
Author(s):  
Armen HARUTYUNYAN
Keyword(s):  
Political Power ◽  
Ancient Greece ◽  
Focus Of Attention ◽  
Comprehensive Analysis ◽  
Ancient World ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
The World ◽  
Methodological Problems ◽  
Ordinary Citizens

This article is devoted to the problems of prevention of political crimes and crimes against political rights, which were in the focus of attention of the thinkers of the ancient world. The thinkers of ancient Greece developed many methods of preventing political crimes both on the part of representatives of political power and on the part of ordinary citizens. Modern realities demand to return to the problems identified in the ancient period and to consider the problems of preventing political crimes and crimes against political rights in the context of a modern democratic state. The problems of preventing political crimes and crimes against political rights in modern legal, democratic states are particularly acute in the process of forming state elected bodies, that is, in the process of citizens exercising their political rights. Based on a comprehensive analysis and taking into account modern democratic foundations around the world, it is proposed to expand the range of political crimes and, as prevention of one of the cornerstone problems – the problems of preventing political crimes, to provide for criminal and/or constitutional responsibility for (radical) evasion of the election program at the highest legislative level.

scholarly journals Economics, Politics, and Ethnicity in Balochistan's Transport Industry

1995 ◽  
Vol 34 (4II) ◽  
pp. 619-626 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Titus
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Ethnic Conflict ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
The State ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Distribution Of Wealth ◽  
Contemporary World ◽  
Transport Industry ◽  
The Creation

Because of its potential to disrupt economic development, it is necessary to understand the dynamics of ethnic conflict in the contemporary world. A prevalent trend in the study of ethnicity is to focus on the creation and/or maintenance of ethnic identities and mobilisation on the basis of those identities as groups compete for resources, opportunities, or political power in the context of the nation-state [Barth (1969); Brass (1985); Comaroff (1987); Mumtaz (1990)]. In this approach, an ethnic group's distinguishing markers-language, custom, dress, etc.-are treated less as manifestations of tradition which define or create the group and more as arenas of negotiation and contestation in which people strive to realise their practical and symbolic interests. This happens as individuals or families, pursuing their livelihoods with the skills and resources available to them, find (or create) opportunities or obstacles which appear to be based on' ethnic criteria. The state can intensify this process as it uses positive or negative discrimination in order to achieve some desired distribution of wealth and opportunity. In turn, political leadership becomes a key in realising the experience of shared ethnic interests. Leadership develops as a kind of dual legitimation process, i.e., as individuals or organisations seek to be accepted as spokesmen both by members of the group itself and by outsiders.

SOUTHERN IRISH NATIONALISM AS A HISTORICAL PROBLEM

2007 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 197-223 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOHN M. REGAN
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
State Formation ◽  
Public History ◽  
The South ◽  
Irish Nationalism ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Methodological Problems ◽  
Revolutionary Period

To what extent has the recent war in Northern Ireland influenced Irish historiography? Examining the nomenclature, periodization, and the use of democracy and state legitimization as interpretative tools in the historicization of the Irish Civil War (1922–3), the influence of a southern nationalist ideology is apparent. A dominating southern nationalist interest represented the revolutionary political elite's realpolitik after 1920, though its pan-nationalist rhetoric obscured this. Ignoring southern nationalism as a cogent influence has led to the misrepresentation of nationalism as ethnically homogeneous in twentieth-century Ireland. Once this is identified, historiographical and methodological problems are illuminated, which may be demonstrated in historians' work on the revolutionary period (c. 1912–23). Following the northern crisis's emergence in the late 1960s, the Republic's Irish governments required a revised public history that could reconcile the state's violent and revolutionary origins with its counterinsurgency against militarist-republicanism. At the same time many historians adopted constitutional, later democratic, state formation narratives for the south at the expense of historical precision. This facilitated a broader state-centred and statist historiography, mirroring the Republic's desire to re-orientate its nationalism away from irredentism, toward the conscious accommodation of partition. Reconciliation of southern nationalist identities with its state represents a singular political achievement, as well as a concomitant historiographical problem.

scholarly journals A comment on“Species are not most abundant in the centre of their geographic range or climatic niche”

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jorge Soberón ◽  
A. Townsend Peterson ◽  
Luis Osorio-Olvera
Keyword(s):  
Population Density ◽  
Geographic Range ◽  
Climatic Niche ◽  
Original Question ◽  
Methodological Problems

AbstractA study recently published argued against a relationship between population density and position in geographic and environmental spaces. We found a number of methodological problems underlying the analysis. We discuss the main issues and conclude that these problems hinder a robust conclusion about the original question.

scholarly journals ISLAM AND RELIGIOUS EXPERIENCE IN THE POSTMODERN

2018 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 145
Author(s):  
Ahmad Sidqi
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Religious Experience ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Modern World ◽  
Distribution Of Wealth ◽  
Holy Quran ◽  
Emancipatory Politics ◽  
The Holy Quran ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
A Current

The Islamic experience in the modern world reconstitutes the relation between human and God on the basis of the fundamental authority of the holy Quran. Mosque as a symbol, this monument to political power contains some of the most basic contradictions thats characterize Muslim societies in the modern world. A similar distinction applies to the to the morning officialy attributed to the mosque, it maybe “open”, “toleran”, “cosmopolitan”, and “modern” Muslim reformers, embattled governments against increasingly militant oppositional groups which have adopted Islam as an overarching instrument of discourse and struggle. Muslim reformers, activists, and militants nearly always say that theirs is a “movement”, a ‘current” which is still in the process of gestation and evolution. Emancipatory politics is concerned, above all, with themes of justice, equality, and participation, the very same themes that most Muslim reformers are in fact concerned with. Islamic experience involves a redefination of identity in a world which has become homogenized by the globalizing process of modernism The Islamic experience is therefore a call for an emancipatory politics which means justice where there is none, a more egalitarian distribution of wealth and a more democratic system of decision making. 

scholarly journals ANALYZING THE PLATFORM ECONOMY – FEUDALISM, MEDIEVALISM AND COLONIALISM AS USEFUL FRAMEWORKS

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jakob Linaa Jensen ◽  
Benedetta Brevini ◽  
Mirca Madianou ◽  
Nick Couldry ◽  
Ulises Mejias
Keyword(s):  
Social Interactions ◽  
Karl Marx ◽  
Political Power ◽  
International System ◽  
Economic Systems ◽  
Distribution Of Wealth ◽  
Individual Agency ◽  
Historical Perspectives ◽  
Platform Economy ◽  
Central Economic

The platform economy challenges existing economic systems, social interactions and participation as well as the very foundation of democracy. As data is replacing labor as the central economic good, economy, society, class structures and democracy might change fundamentally. Or we might experience old wine on new bottles. Karl Marx famously said that history tends to repeat itself, first as comedy, later as tragedy. In this panel we ask, whether history is repeating itself? The panel’s speakers employ different historical perspectives but focus mainly in two periods: medieval times and the age of colonialism. Both periods were characterized by a strong correlation between a certain economic system and the exercise of political power. Structured inequalities in systems of labor, trade and distribution of wealth had significant consequences for the distribution and (re)production of political power. Medieval and colonial societies were each based on logics of exploitation and dominance, ideologically legitimized by references to first God, later the nation, what Marx would have referred to as the superstructures of economic logics. In this systems, individual agency and possibilities were limited compared to today. In medieval society it was hard to change the estate in which you were born, in colonial times it was hard to change your role in the international system. And the fixed structures were basically grounded in economic logics.

scholarly journals Mechanisms for development of property rights institutions

2006 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 283-298
Author(s):  
Jelena Zarkovic
Keyword(s):  
Property Rights ◽  
Transaction Costs ◽  
Building Block ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Effective Property ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Economic Activities ◽  
Distribution Of Wealth ◽  
Endogenous Property Rights

The institution of property rights is increasingly recognized as an essential building block of an economically prosperous society. The question that remains unsolved, however, is how do we develop effective property rights institutions? The literature dealing with the development of property rights tends to be, in general, an optimistic one since there is a tendency to view the design of property rights institutions as maximizing decisions to economize on transaction costs and to facilitate new economic activities. On the other hand, since property rights define the distribution of wealth and political power in a society, changes in property rights structures are likely to be influenced by more than pure efficiency considerations. Therefore, in order to achieve a balanced analysis of the evolution of property rights institutions, the model of endogenous property rights creation should be modified. We did that by introducing the neoinstitutional theory of the state in the model.

Power and Personality: The Appeal to the “Right Man” in Democratic States

1958 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 84-97 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Spitz
Keyword(s):  
Political Power ◽  
Ideal State ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
The Right

At least from the time of Socrates, in whose ideal state philosophers would be kings, the appeal to the right man has played a major role in systematic reflections on the control of power. For if the right man does rule, Socrates argued, neither institutional nor other controls—e.g., law—need to be employed. Because he is the right man, he will do the right things: he will rule wisely; he will establish or, where already established, he will perpetuate, that order in human affairs that best approximates or achieves justice and secures liberty.The problem, then, for those who hold this view in democratic states, is not whether the right man should rule, but how he is to be discovered and how he can be assured the reins of political power. Or, to formulate the problem in negative terms, how can we identify and exclude from power those who are the “wrong” men, those who are likely to rule badly and unjustly, those who—because they are, for example, “authoritarians” at heart—may if they achieve positions of power violate the very principles of the democratic state and thereby endanger its existence?

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