Nietzsche and the Genealogy of Evil

Author(s):  
Gavin Rae

This chapter demonstrates that Friedrich Nietzsche’s Genealogy of Morals argues that, rather than being ahistoric, moral concepts are inherently historical. Focusing on its first essay, this chapter shows that Nietzsche’s approach (1) undercut the histories and thus justifications underpinning the Christian and Kantian frameworks, (2) demonstrates that the moral categories historically used in Western thinking are semiotically heterogeneous, and (3) shows that the meaning of moral concepts generally and ‘evil’ specifically are rooted in dynamic semiotic relations that are determined socially by heterogeneous and ever-changing power relations. ‘Evil’ as a moral category is not, then, an objective, ahistoric category, but one borne from a particular worldview and semiotic system. In turn, this shows that the meaning of this concept is dependent upon changing, heterogeneous, power relations manifested through pre-personal, socio-historical interactions and relations.

2019 ◽  
Vol 67 (3) ◽  
pp. 440-450
Author(s):  
Rebekka Hufendiek

Abstract There is an eye-catching similarity in structure between Paul Rée’s Origin of Moral Sensations and Nietzsche’s Genealogy of Morals. Accordingly, the Genealogy has been understood as a riposte to Rée. I will argue in this paper that Nietzsche distances himself from Rée not only by developing alternative genealogies for moral concepts and institutions. Nietzsche’s main aim in criticizing Rée is to develop his own genealogical method that aims for historical adequacy, psychological adequacy, distinction of cause and function, acceptance of partial historical opacity and perspectivism.


Author(s):  
Krzysztof Michalski

This chapter posits an understanding of Nietzsche's “genealogy of morals.” The genealogy of morals is an attempt to show the dynamic hidden behind our moral concepts, the intractable tension that arises from the fact that these concepts are an expression of life and, accordingly, that each one of them is also a kind of power that can injure or destroy, as well as aid or liberate. It is an account of human life as it is, here and now, of the terror that lurks in its depths, as well as of our flight from it, if only, as today, into the pleasant slumber of contemporary culture; of the power of human life, which introduces into the world the only kind of meaning one can find there, and of its irremediable weakness, which adds falsehood and deception to the world and thereby makes it both habitable and interesting.


Author(s):  
Brynne D. Ovalle ◽  
Rahul Chakraborty

This article has two purposes: (a) to examine the relationship between intercultural power relations and the widespread practice of accent discrimination and (b) to underscore the ramifications of accent discrimination both for the individual and for global society as a whole. First, authors review social theory regarding language and group identity construction, and then go on to integrate more current studies linking accent bias to sociocultural variables. Authors discuss three examples of intercultural accent discrimination in order to illustrate how this link manifests itself in the broader context of international relations (i.e., how accent discrimination is generated in situations of unequal power) and, using a review of current research, assess the consequences of accent discrimination for the individual. Finally, the article highlights the impact that linguistic discrimination is having on linguistic diversity globally, partially using data from the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) and partially by offering a potential context for interpreting the emergence of practices that seek to reduce or modify speaker accents.


ALQALAM ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 47
Author(s):  
Joko Priyanto

Religion Blasphemy addressed to Jakarta Governor who is also a candidate for Jakarta Governor Election 2017 is the beginning of a series of polemic along process of Jakarta Governor Election 2017. This case triggers friction between Islamic society as a civil society and government as authority. This research explored this case by using theory of power relations Foucault. The result shows that the mass movement of Islamic society is power from Islamic society knowledge. Power structure tries to discipline this movement by hegemony in form of discourse. However, hegemonic discourse from civil society (Islamic society) also tries to challenge. The fight of hegemonic in form of discourse becomes so viral in all media, element and institution. This research shows that the discourse of Leader and Diversity is a signifier empty which be contestation of giving meaning.   Keywords: knowledge, power, Foucoult, religion.


Author(s):  
Nicholas B. TORRETTA ◽  
Lizette REITSMA

Our contemporary world is organized in a modern/colonial structure. As people, professions and practices engage in cross-country Design for Sustainability (DfS), projects have the potential of sustaining or changing modern/colonial power structures. In such project relations, good intentions in working for sustainability do not directly result in liberation from modern/colonial power structures. In this paper we introduce three approaches in DfS that deal with power relations. Using a Freirean (1970) decolonial perspective, we analyse these approaches to see how they can inform DfS towards being decolonial and anti-oppressive. We conclude that steering DfS to become decolonial or colonizing is a relational issue based on the interplay between the designers’ position in the modern/colonial structure, the design approach chosen, the place and the people involved in DfS. Hence, a continuous critical reflexive practice is needed in order to prevent DfS from becoming yet another colonial tool.


Author(s):  
Christian Gilliam

Christian Gilliam argues that a philosophy of ‘pure’ immanence is integral to the development of an alternative understanding of ‘the political’; one that re-orients our understanding of the self toward the concept of an unconscious or ‘micropolitical’ life of desire. He argues that here, in this ‘life’, is where the power relations integral to the continuation of post-industrial capitalism are most present and most at stake. Through proving its philosophical context, lineage and political import, Gilliam ultimately justifies the conceptual necessity of immanence in understanding politics and resistance, thereby challenging the claim that ontologies of ‘pure’ immanence are either apolitical or politically incoherent.


2015 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Eberhard Bort

The decisive No vote in the Scottish independence referendum on 18 September 2014 was not a vote for the constitutional status quo, although it confirmed that Scotland would remain part of the United Kingdom. The referendum outcome is likely to have far-reaching consequences for the power relations between London and Edinburgh and, perhaps more than expected, for the constitutional future of the entire UK. A tight timetable for the delivery of extra powers for the Scottish Parliament is in place, and the ‘elephant in the room’, the constitutional status and governance of England, is now firmly on the agenda. There is also pressure for decentralisation in Scotland itself. And the huge ‘democratic awakening’ which characterised this ‘national conversation’ about Scotland's future, with massive democratic participation and a record turnout, demands that these changes will have to be brought about in a participative way – and not ‘top-down’, as a Westminster or Holyrood ‘stitch-up’.


1967 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 258-277 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernard Beck
Keyword(s):  

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