‘The Fair Claims of Wales’

2020 ◽  
pp. 168-185
Author(s):  
David Torrance

Nationalist unionism was not confined to Scotland. This chapter extends the book’s analysis to Wales, where the three unionist parties – Liberal, Labour and Conservative – had also deployed nationalist arguments and language in order to maintain Wales as part of the United Kingdom. As in Scotland, the originators of this approach were the Liberals, although one wing of the Labour Party in Wales was also nationalist in mindset as was, to a more modest degree, the Conservative Party, particularly in the 1950s and 2010s, when calculated appeals were made to Welsh traditions such as its distinct language. In contrast to Scotland after power was devolved in 1999, the Welsh Labour Party managed to maintain control of this ‘nationalist unionism’ while Plaid Cymru (which advocated greater autonomy) languished.

1995 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-16
Author(s):  
Ann Matheson

Cooperation between libraries is time-consuming, but is both ‘worthwhile and essential. Scottish research libraries commenced active cooperation in 1977: the Scottish Confederation of University and Research Libraries now has 15 active members. More recently, libraries in Scotland have been encouraged to work together following the creation of the Scottish Library and Information Council. The National Library has a key role to play, but in partnership with other libraries rather than invariably taking the lead. Cooperation between Scottish art libraries can be traced back to the 1950s and to the development, under the auspices of the National Library, of a union catalogue of art books in Edinburgh. This project is being extended and it will eventually become a national database. The group of libraries responsible for the project has taken on a wider role and an expanded membership as the Scottish Visual Arts Group, one of several subject groups under the umbrella of the Scottish Confederation of University & Research Libraries. The Group will work closely with the Scottish Library and Information Council, and with ARLIS/UK & Ireland in the wider framework of the United Kingdom. (This article is the revised text of a paper presented to the ARLIS/UK & Ireland 25th Anniversary Conference in London, 7th-10th April 1994).


Author(s):  
Uta A. Balbier

This book provides a transnational history of Billy Graham’s revival work in the 1950s, zooming in on his revival meetings in London (1954), Berlin (1954/1960), and New York (1957). It shows how Graham’s international ministry took shape in the context of transatlantic debates about the place and future of religion in public life after the experiences of war and at the onset of the Cold War, and through a constant exchange of people, ideas, and practices. It explores the transnational nature of debates about the religious underpinnings of the “Free World” and sheds new light on the contested relationship between business, consumerism, and religion. In the context of Graham’s revival meetings, ordinary Christians, theologians, ministers, and church leaders in the United States, Germany, and the United Kingdom discussed, experienced, and came to terms with religious modernization and secular anxieties, Cold War culture, and the rise of consumerism. The transnational connectedness of their political, economic, and spiritual hopes and fears brings a narrative to life that complicates our understanding of the different secularization paths the United States, the United Kingdom, and Germany embarked on in the 1950s. During Graham’s altar call in Europe, the contours of a transatlantic revival become visible, even if in the long run it was unable to develop a dynamism that could have sustained this moment in these different national and religious contexts.


Author(s):  
W. Elliot Bulmer

This chapter talks about Sir Ivor Jennings, who observed in the context of decolonization in the 1950s that one must first decide who are the people before one can decide how the people are to govern themselves. It proposes a constitutional renewal project that must recognize the United Kingdom as a complex 'Union state' made up of distinct nations. It also describes the United Kingdom as a messy amalgam of two kingdoms, a principality, and a dismembered province that were forged together by civil wars, bribery, and dynastic wrangling. The chapter looks at the geographical, cultural, historical, and demographic complexity of the polity being constituted that will determine much of its constitutional architecture even when fairly standard Westminster Model constitutionalism is applied. It illustrates India and Bangladesh, two countries whose constitutions are thoroughly Westminster influenced but show different design because of the demands of context.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Kim Therese Chenery

<p>The development of ‘family-centred care’ began in the United Kingdom during the 1950s and 1960s in response to ‘expert’ concern for the child as an ‘emotional’ being. John Bowlby’s maternal deprivation thesis suggested that constant maternal attention in the early years of life would ensure emotionally healthy future members of society. Application of this theory to the hospital children’s ward indicated that young children should not be without their mothers for long periods of time. This theory and the subsequent release of the Platt Report in the United Kingdom in 1959 provided the necessary ‘scientific’ justification allowing mothers greater access to the historically restrictive hospital children’s wards. Influenced by trends in the United Kingdom the tenets of the separation thesis were reflected in New Zealand government policy towards child care and the care of the hospitalised child. However, the wider societal context in which these changes were to be accepted in New Zealand hospital children’s wards has not been examined. This study explores the development of ‘family-centred care’ in New Zealand as part of an international movement advanced by ‘experts’ in the 1950s concerned with the psychological effects of mother-child separation. It positions the development of ‘family-centred care’ within the broader context of ideas and beliefs about mothering and children that emerged in New Zealand society between 1960 and 1980 as a response to these new concerns for children’s emotional health. It examines New Zealand nursing, medical and related literature between 1960 and 1990 and considers both professional and public response to these concerns. The experiences of some mothers and nurses caring for children in one New Zealand hospital between 1960 and 1990 illustrate the significance of these responses in the context of one hospital children’s ward and the subsequent implications for the practice of ‘family-centred care’. This study demonstrates the difference between the professional rhetoric and the parental reality of ‘family-centred care’ in the context of one hospital children’s ward between 1960 and 1990. The practice of ‘family-centred care’ placed mothers and nurses in contradictory positions within the ward environment. These contradictory positions were historically enduring, although they varied in their enactment.</p>


Author(s):  
Michael P. Hornsby-Smith

This paper offers a review of religion and politics in the United Kingdom shortly after the Scottish Referendum in September 2014 and the UK General Election in May 2015. It first provides a brief historical outline of the emergence of the four separate parts of the current United Kingdom, their different experiences of Anglo-Saxon and Viking invasions and responses to the Reformation in the fifteenth century after a millennium of Roman Catholicism. It then briefly reviews data from recent censuses and social attitude surveys about religious identities, beliefs and commitment and political party preferences which generally indicate a preference for Conservative Party support by Anglicans and Labour by Roman Catholics. Recent Church of England leaders have suggested that religion is now a major player on the public stage. This is strongly rejected. Firstly, census and survey data point unambiguously to the declining salience of religion and the public’s strong belief that religion is a private and personal matter and that religious leaders should not meddle in politics. Secondly, three examples are given where it is argued that critical interventions by religious leaders in recent years have not led to any serious changes in government policies.


Subject Brexit outlook. Significance If Prime Minister Theresa May can get the Withdrawal Agreement (WA) and Political Declaration on future relations approved in Parliament this week, the United Kingdom should leave the EU on May 22. However, it remains unlikely that her deal will gain a parliamentary majority, setting up a different deadline. The United Kingdom must come up with an alternative plan by April 12 or face the prospect of crashing out of the EU with no deal. Impacts The United Kingdom could have a new prime minister within weeks; a general election cannot be ruled out. The EU will remain distracted by Brexit as it heads into a season of political change beginning with European Parliament elections in May. As a final option, May could commit to resigning to get support for the WA from Conservative Party MPs.


Significance The bill establishes a new statutory regime for goods and services trade within the United Kingdom, which is essential for signing trade agreements. However, it also contains clauses on the Northern Ireland Protocol which threaten to override the legally binding EU-UK Withdrawal Agreement (WA), while giving London new powers over the devolved administrations, including on state aid. Impacts The EU is unlikely to collapse the trade talks with the United Kingdom. An EU-UK deal is still possible because the alternative would seriously threaten Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s political survival. The new bill, on top of COVID-19, will give the opposition Labour Party an opportunity to overtake the Conservatives in the polls.


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