The Black Jacobeans: Jackie Kay’s Trumpet

2020 ◽  
pp. 87-113
Author(s):  
Joseph H. Jackson

Chapter 3 reads Jackie Kay’s influential novel Trumpet (1998) in the light of its historical moment: the aftermath of the 1997 referendum on a Scottish parliament and the post-Thatcher context of British neoliberal governance. Trumpet provides clear evidence of the way that Black writing is recuperated into a narrative of Britishness at a key moment for the Union, which the chapter illustrates via critical readings of Kay’s work by C. L. Innes, Alan Rice, and Peter Clandfield. Against the prevailing tendency to read Trumpet as an endorsement of a fluid and post-racial Britishness, the chapter argues for its Scottish national and Black political character, drawing out its relationship with British constitutional history and Black radicalism.

Author(s):  
Ellen Lockhart

The conclusion summarizes some of the key findings of the book, arguing that the projects described here attest to the fact that the Pygmalion myth was a foundational theme for modern aesthetics, offering, as it did, a means of thinking about the way that the perceiving human related to the art object and about what the object, in return, did to its perceiver. It argues that while this historical moment has been understood to see the emergence of autonomy for the individual fine arts, the texts examined in this book have confirmed that, even at such moments of supposed emancipation, the materials of art acted together, partaking of one another’s essences through analogy and cooperation.


2018 ◽  
pp. 167-182
Author(s):  
Alexander Regier

This chapter shows how Blake and Hamann connect their exorbitant critique of conventional thinking and its deadening force with their sharp analysis of institutional religion, matrimony, and pedagogy. As deeply spiritual writers, they are particularly appalled with their historical moment and the position institutional religion has assumed as a form of organization and disciplining that perverts creativity and freedom. Remarkably, one of their common examples for such a negative development is the sacrament of marriage, which they see stripped of all its original meaning. Similarly, they produce an account which makes clear how pedagogy in the eighteenth century (and beyond) is being used to close off the real and affective dimensions of spirituality, ensuring conventional thinking. The way in which these thinkers translate such insights into their own lives forms the central discussion of this chapter, giving the reader a good sense of their biographical circumstances and their exorbitant arguments.


2021 ◽  
pp. 101269022110664
Author(s):  
Tamir Sorek

The controversy about the campaign to boycott Israel in general and Israeli sports in particular suffers from the absence of empirical data about the political character of the Israeli sports sphere, as well as the way Jewish Israelis see a possible boycott. Supporters of the boycott hope, among other things, that the campaign is registered among Israelis, and maybe even contribute to political change. Liberal opposition relies on the argument that sports is a beacon of inter-ethnic tolerance that should be cherished rather than targeted. Through a survey with a representative sample of internet users among the adult Jewish citizens of Israel (N = 600), this study provides the following related observations: (1) there is no evidence that Jewish Israeli sports fans are more likely to question the regime of Jewish supremacy than non-fans. (2) Among Jewish Israelis there is a small, but non-negligible minority who justifies the boycott of Israeli sports, and this minority is even larger among people who attend the soccer stadium and/or are politically active. (3) A significant majority of Jewish Israelis (69%) are concerned about a possible boycott of Israel in general, but this majority is less clear among men who are sports fans. The findings question the liberal expectation that Israeli sports serve as a model for inclusive citizenship and at the same time they indicate the potential of sports to amplify existing political tendencies among fans. These observations should be considered in future debates about sanctions and boycotts.


2019 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 304-319
Author(s):  
Shota Moriue

Abstract It is a common arrangement in different legislatures that individual members who are not ministers can bring forward bills (private members’ bills), but the drafting of a bill may involve certain technicalities that are usually outside their knowledge. How, then, do legislators prepare the text of private members’ bills? This article presents the way in which support is provided to those members who seek to introduce their bills in the UK Parliament, the Scottish Parliament, the National Assembly for Wales, the Northern Ireland Assembly, and the National Diet of Japan. It then discusses two common challenges for such support: how to avoid the risk that demand will outstrip supply and how to make sure that the drafting of private members’ bills meets the quality standards (if any).


Pravni zapisi ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 261-284
Author(s):  
Srđan Milošević

"The Vidovdan" Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, rendered on 28 June 1921, one hundred years after its adoption, remains an unavoidable topic and an occasion for discussions about the reasons for the failure of the Yugoslav state. The unitarian-centralist system unanimously criticized today as an inadequate constitutional form for the functioning of a complex community such as Yugoslavia was once legitimized by the concept of national unity of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes. The national conception, the type of state system, and the related disagreements are part of both the political and constitutional history of the states that emerged from the disintegration of Yugoslavia. This paper analyses the content of textbooks of Constitutional Law that are in use at law schools in the successor states, which have existed continuously since the breakup of Yugoslavia until today and are used to educate the vast majority of lawyers in these states. The way in which the shared constitutional history from the first decade of Yugoslavia is presented after the collapse of the socialist paradigm (that mainly was unison) largely follows the national borders of the successor states in terms of its content and interpretation.


Panoptikum ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 10-27
Author(s):  
Kamil Gibas

The paper discusses topics such as bioart, in the perspective of a cultural phenomenon, present in contemporary Polish and world art. The space of contemporary art, which as a material of expression uses specialist knowledge in the field of bioengineering and tissue culture along with living material, has been a challenge for artists and analysts of art, culture, science and ethics for years. The activity of Eduardo Kac is recalled as well as the Polish bioartist, Karolina Żyniewicz. In her projects, the artist collaborates with scientists, building an interdisciplinary platform for the exchange of knowledge and experiences. These deliberations are supplemented with literature on bioethics: positions, opinions and other regulatory documents (The Committee for Bioethics PAS, the Council of Europe, CIOMS, UNESCO) in the context of non-medical and artistic activities. The paper is an attempt to find answers to questions about the way in which new bioethical regulations should be updated and formulated. What bioethical strategies should be taken in this historical moment of our time, where an artwork is both artistic and also strictly scientific?


2020 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 103-120
Author(s):  
László Dávid Törő

An influential historian of constitutional and economic history, Ferenc Eckhart, contributed greatly to the Hungarian historical writing in the first half of the 20th century. He paved the way for a much more historical and analytical view of constitutional history while fiercely debating narrow-minded, nationalist interpretations of Hungarian constitutional history. This paper attempts to give a short overview of this ouvre and to highlight the progressive elements in his historical writing.


2013 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-36
Author(s):  
Н.К. Тер-Оганов

Among those main problems, related to the modern history of Iran that haven’t been explored properly neither by the Western, nor by the Soviet students, the issue of the character of 1921’s Coup d’etat still preserves its scientific actuality. The examination of character of the Coup d’etat of 1921 in Iran has a significant importance for the impartial assessment and analyses of the principal moments that took place in the socio-political development of the Iranian society during the crises of Qajar monarchy. Despite of assertion of some Soviet authors, the Coup d’etat of 1921 wasn’t a result of some structural changes in the Iranian society, but it was imposed by the foreign force and had definite political character. Nevertheless, it became a turning point on the way leading to the regime change and establishment of the modern social relations in Iran.


Author(s):  
Richard Ashby

This article proposes a presentist reading of Richard III, a play that can be used to reflect on – and critique – our perversely post-truth historical moment. While the powerful distort the past for political purposes, the play dramatises the way abiding truths about history are nevertheless passed down through time by a popular culture of oral tradition. Drawing on Walter Benjamin, I also relate a timeless, oral tradition to proverbial wisdoms and to the concept of redemptive, Messianic time.


1992 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 79-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roland Quinault

The British constitution is unwritten, but not unbuilt. The character of Britain's government buildings reflects the nature of its political system. This is particularly true with respect to the Houses of Parliament. They were almost entirely rebuilt after a fire, in 1834, which seriously damaged the House of Commons and adjacent buildings. The new Houses of Parliament were the most magnificent and expensive public buildings erected in Queen Victoria's reign. Their architectural evolution has been meticulously chronicled by a former Honorary Secretary of the Royal Historical Society, Professor Michael Port. But constitutionalists and historians have shewn little or no interest in the political character of the Victorian Houses of Parliament. Walter Bagehot, in his famous study, The English Constitution, published in 1867, made no reference to the newly completed Houses of Parliament. Likewise most modern books on Victorian political and constitutional history make no mention of die rebuilding.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document