scholarly journals Związki między koncentracją, kumulacją i monopolizacją władzy. Analiza modelowa

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (55) ◽  
pp. 19-40
Author(s):  
Mirosław Karwat

The concentration of powerin onestate(or: party, church,social movement) decision-making centre makes it possible to cumulate power. One kind of institution join the several types and areas of power (e.g. subordination of the legislative and judicial authorities to the will and disposition oftheexecutive, conversion of parliament and orchards, public prosecutor’s office into tools of government, governing party). The permanent effect of such changes may bethe monopolisation of the authorities – theexclusive practical ability to govern for a given political force and the process of immortalisation,reproductionofsuch a monopoly

2004 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 122-133 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Art

German politicians, journalists, and analysts are predicting that the DVU's and the NPD's tenure in state parliaments will be brief. Referring to the NPD, Wolfgang Bosbach of the CDU claimed that the party would quickly lose its appeal because its politicians were "generally lazy, not very intelligent and therefore ineffective in parliament." Similar opinions have been voiced about the DVU. In this article, I argue that, while the DVU is likely to remain a marginal player in German politics, the NPD's electoral breakthrough represents a major new development. Over the last decade, the NPD has evolved into a highly organized social movement in eastern Germany. The fact that it can now mobilize portions of the eastern electorate strongly suggests that it has become a political force as well.


2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 164-185
Author(s):  
Dain TePoel

This article offers a consideration of physical activity within the contexts of social movement philosophies, decision making, strategies, and tactics through an examination of the 1986 Great Peace March for Global Nuclear Disarmament. Drawing from interviews with twenty activists on the Great Peace March, the author argues that physicality and endurance actions—literally, but also symbolically—signify particular meanings of movement for social movements, such as persistence, focus, and determination, to stretch sociopolitical limits and boundaries. Participants endeavor to accomplish difficult physical challenges and maintain the solidarity of their communities to analogize the coming into existence of equally extraordinary visions of social or political transformation. Physical and symbolic expressions of what the author terms “endurance activism” sustained the marchers’ vision of community and the survival of their organization. The article encourages sport historians to use a wider framework to interpret the links between physical activity, social activism, and oppositional movements.


1996 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-242 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sylvia Bashevkin

AbstractThis article examines relations between organized feminism and the federal Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, focusing on elements of the Canadian women's movement that targeted federal policy change from 1984 to 1993. In questioning the main priorities of both sides and the potential for conflict between them, the discussion uses the conceptual literature on social movement evolution as a base. It assesses formal decision making across five major policy sectors identified by Canadian feminism and presents the perspectives of movement activists on the Mulroney period. Although comparisons with policy action under the Thatcher and Reagan governments indicate a more pro-feminist record in Canada than the United Kingdom or the United States, Canadian materials suggest a narrowing of common ground between the organized women's movement and federal elites during the Mulroney years.


2017 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 21-43
Author(s):  
Bruce Alston

In 2014, a set of National Decision-Making Principles (the Principles) was recommended by theAustralian Law Reform Commission as a legal policy guide for reform of Commonwealth, State and Territory laws. The Principles were aimed to encourage supported decision-making; make the appointment of representatives only a last resort; and to ensure that the will, preferences and rights of individuals direct decisions affecting their lives. This article discusses the sources of the Principles and their relationship to Art 12 of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. The article then examines the steps that are needed to give the Principles full effect in Australian laws to regulate decision-making by individuals who require support. A major focus in implementing a paradigm shift towards supported decision-making is reform of State and Territory guardianship and administration laws. The article examines how guardianship laws should be reformed consistently with the Principles - to ensure that guardianship is invoked only as a last resort and after considering the availability of support to assist people in decision-making. Further, guardianship should be as confined in scope and duration as is reasonably possible; subject to accessible mechanisms for review; and decision-making should respect the will, preferences and rights of the individual. At Commonwealth level, the National Disability Insurance Scheme legislation incorporates some elements of supported decision-making. However, these should also be augmented by providing legal recognition for supporters, and associated safeguards. The author suggests that the Principles can be a catalyst for facilitating important law reform over following decades. The article examines how the Principles may be used by communities, policy-makers and governments to promote world-leading legal changes to ensure that individuals with disability have an equal right to make decisions for themselves.


Author(s):  
Dana Howard ◽  
David Wendler

This chapter explores the ethical responsibilities of those who make medical decisions on behalf of individuals with intellectual and/or developmental disabilities that result in lifelong decisional incapacity. Standard accounts argue that because these patients have never had the capacity to make their own decisions, surrogates should make decisions based solely on what best promotes the patients’ welfare. On such accounts, the preferences, values, and decisions of those with impaired consent capacity are still relevant to decision making but only instrumentally: to the extent that soliciting them is conducive to or can provide an indicator of the patients’ general interests. Such accounts fail to ensure that such patients are properly respected. Rather than emphasize the importance of respect for autonomy, this chapter explores the more inclusive question of how decision making can be done in a way that does not insult the existent agential capacities of individuals. Trustees need to recognize that a patient’s unique evaluative perspective possesses intrinsic normative significance, and giving moral weight to their preferences, values, and decisions provides a way to respect that perspective.


2017 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 257-263
Author(s):  
Team Future ◽  
Laura Pottinger ◽  
Sarah Marie Hall

In this paper, co-authored with young people from Team Future, a youth-led campaign associated with Manchester charity RECLAIM, we provide insights into the recent EU referendum result in the UK and the process of decision-making according to young people. Reports following the vote for Brexit largely focused on the intergenerational differences in voting and the (distributional) injustices enacted by current generations in voting against the will of future generations. However, we argue that there were other forms of injustice at work. We start with the case for critiquing the referendum not only according to the outcome but also as a process, as an example of procedural injustice. We then go on to explore the purpose of Team Future for addressing this injustice, a campaign focused on political education for all and of a bold, ethical and hopeful politics of Brexit and beyond.


2013 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 429-451 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Chiarello

Social movement consequences have become an increasingly important area of study, but the current literature overlooks implementation and treats law, organizations, and culture as separate areas of inquiry. This study offers a new perspective on consequences by taking a socio-legal approach that considers how law is constructed and enacted in professional fields and how legal and professional logics intersect to influence professional decision making. Drawing on ethnographic interviews, surveys, and content analysis about the Emergency Contraceptive Pill (ECP) conflict in pharmacy, I find that professional logics largely supersede legal ones to influence decision making and that organizational positioning and perceived policy affect collective goods distribution. These forces diminish the power of pro-choice and anti-abortion laws as professionals interpret, construct, and ignore the law in daily practice. The concluding discussion emphasizes the importance of considering professionals as targets of social movement action, reconceptualizing collective goods and implementation, and using field theory as methodology.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Hong Luo ◽  
Laurina Zhang

Social movements have the potential to effect change in strategic decision making. In this paper, we examine whether the #MeToo movement, spurred by the Harvey Weinstein scandal, leads to changes in the likelihood of Hollywood producers working with female writers on new movie projects. Because #MeToo affected the entire industry, we use variation in whether producers had past collaborations with Weinstein to investigate whether and how #MeToo may spur change. We find that producers previously associated with Weinstein are, on average, about 35% more likely to work with female writers after the scandal than they were before, relative to nonassociated producers, and the size of this effect increases with the intensity of the association. Female producers are the main drivers of our results, perhaps because they are more likely than male producers to resonate with the movement’s cause and face relatively low costs of enacting change. Changes made by other groups, such as production teams with the most intense association with Weinstein and less experienced all-male teams, may be better explained by motivations to mitigate risk. We also find that producers do not sacrifice writer experience by hiring more female writers and that both experienced and novice female writers have benefited from the increased demand. Our study shows that social movements that seek to address gender inequality can, indeed, lead to meaningful change. It also provides perspective for thinking about whether, and to what extent, changes may occur in broader settings.


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