scholarly journals Mechanical Properties of Bridge Steel from the Late 19th Century

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 478
Author(s):  
Paweł Grzegorz Kossakowski

This article presents the results of testing of the strength of structural steel taken from a railway bridge. It was built within the borders of today’s Poland during the late 19th century and was in use for over 100 years, until the early 21st century. The main mechanical parameters of the bridge steel, such as its static and impact strength were determined. The results of the analysis of fracture surfaces with the aim of the identification of the material’s macrostructure are also presented. This article discusses the findings and analyses the values of material parameters in the context of requirements resulting from existing standards, and compares the results with those obtained during the testing of bridge steels of a similar age and operational period.

Anclajes ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-7
Author(s):  
Irina Garbatzky ◽  
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Julieta Viú Adagio ◽  
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Late 20th and early 21st century Latin American literature rereads and problematizes late 19th-century Latin American Modernism. This article examines some of these genealogies in order to analyze the significance of this literary dialogue in our present time.


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 338-357 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher M Dent

There are striking similarities between today’s early 21st century trade political economy and its late 19th century equivalent. Ascendant populist nationalism, escalating trade protectionism and tariff wars, growing discontent over globalization’s distributional impacts and fast emerging economic superpowers disrupting the global order are features shared by both periods. This comparative historical analysis explores what lessons and conclusions we may draw from the past late 19th century world that can be applied to today. Integral to this discussion are the prospects of our early 21st century world experiencing a similar endgame of global conflict, as transpired around a century ago. In revisiting the past to better understand the present and future, this paper first evaluates empirical similarities between the trade political economies of both periods. It then applies theories and concepts of economic nationalism, globalization and interdependence in developing deeper conclusions and arguments. Brexit, Trump and their historic parallels serve as primary focal points in this study.


In 2020 Cabo Verde (1557 sq. miles) and São Tomé and Príncipe (621 sq. miles) had a resident population of 556,857 and 210,240 respectively. Both archipelagos were uninhabited when they were settled by Portuguese colonists and African slaves in the second half of the 15th century. The coexistence of Europeans and Africans resulted in the emergence of Creole societies. Due to their differences in geographic position and climate, they developed unequally in economic terms. Santiago, the first of the Cabo Verde Islands to be settled, became a commercial hub for the slave trade from the Upper Guinea coast. São Tomé was also engaged in the slave trade, but in the 16th century established the first tropical plantation economy based on sugar and slave labor. In the 17th century, both archipelagos were affected by economic and demographic decline. Economic recovery did not occur before the mid-19th century. The British established a coal supply station for transatlantic steam shipping in São Vicente, while, enabled by the introduction of coffee and cocoa, the Portuguese reestablished the plantation economy in São Tomé and Príncipe. After the abolition of slavery in 1875 the workforce was composed of contract workers from Angola, Cabo Verde, and Mozambique. As a result, São Tomé and Príncipe became marked by immigration for almost a century. In contrast, pushed by famines and misery, a massive emigration from Cabo Verde began in the 19th century, a feature that has marked the archipelago’s society and identity until the early 21st century. The first anticolonial groups in exile appeared in the late 1950s. An armed liberation struggle in the islands was not possible; however, a group of Cabo Verdeans participated in the armed struggle in Portuguese Guinea. Most prominent among them was Amílcar Cabral (b. 1924–d. 1973). After independence in 1975 the two countries became socialist one-party regimes. In 1990 both archipelagos introduced multiparty democracies with semipresidential regimes. Creole communities also developed in the Gulf of Guinea islands of Bioko (779 square miles) and Annobón (6.5 sq. miles), which belonged to Portugal until 1778 when they became part of Spanish Guinea which subsequently, in 1968, gained independence as Equatorial Guinea. In the 16th century the uninhabited island of Annobón was settled by the Portuguese with African slaves. As a result, the island’s early-21st-century 5,300 inhabitants speak a Portuguese-based Creole, Fá d’Ambó. Bioko (Fernando Po), was the only Gulf of Guinea Island with a native population, the Bubi, and therefore the Portuguese never colonized this island. From 1827–1843 the British navy maintained an antislaving station called Port Clarence (modern Malabo) in Fernando Po. The British recruited workers from Freetown in Sierra Leone, which was the beginning of the development of the Fernandinos, a local Creole community that speaks an English-based Creole language known as Pichi, which is closely related to Krio in Sierra Leone. Currently, there are still about thirty Fernandino families, comprising some 350 people; however, Pichi is spoken by an estimated 150,000 people, since it also became Bioko’s lingua franca spoken by the Bubi majority.


Author(s):  
Rafa Martínez ◽  
Fernando J. Padilla Angulo

During the transition from ancien régime to liberalism that took place in Spain during the first third of the 19th century, the military became a prominent political actor. Many soldiers were members of the country’s first liberal parliament, which in 1812 passed one of the world’s oldest liberal charters, the so-called Constitution of Cádiz. Furthermore, the armed forces fought against the Napoleonic Army’s occupation and, once the Bourbon monarchy was restored, often took arms against the established power. Nineteenth-century Spain was prey to instability due to the struggle between conservative, progressive, liberal, monarchical, and republican factions. It was also a century full of missed opportunities by governments, constitutions, and political regimes, in which the military always played an active role, often a paramount one. Army and navy officers became ministers and heads of government during the central decades of the 19th century, often after a coup. This changed with the establishment of a parliamentary monarchy based on a bipartisan system known as the Restoration (1874–1923). The armed forces were kept away from politics. They focused on their professional activities, thus developing a corporate attitude and an ideological cohesion around a predominantly conservative political stance. Ruling the empire gave the armed forces a huge sphere of influence. Only chief officers were appointed as governors of the Spanish territories in America, Africa, and Asia throughout the 19th and 20th centuries. This went unchanged until 1976, when Spain withdrew from Western Sahara, deemed the country’s last colony. The power accumulated in the overseas territories was often used by the governors to build a political career in metropolitan Spain. Following the end of the Restoration in 1923, the armed forces engaged with the political struggle in full again. After a military-led dictatorship, a frustrated republic, and a fratricidal civil war, a dictatorship was established in 1939 that lasted for almost 40 years: the Francoist regime. Francisco Franco leaned on the military as a repressive force and a legitimacy source for a regime established as a result of a war. After the dictator passed away in 1975, Spain underwent a transition to democracy which was accepted by the armed forces somehow reluctantly, as the coup attempt of 1981 made clear. At that time, the military was the institution that Spanish society trusted the least. It was considered a poorly trained and equipped force. Even its troops’ volume and budget were regarded as excessive. However, the armed forces have undergone an intense process of modernization since the end of 1980s. They have become fully professional, their budget and numbers have been reduced, and they have successfully taken part in European Union (EU), North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and United Nations (UN)-led international missions. In the early 21st century, the armed forces are Spain’s second-best valued institution. Far from its formerly interventionist role throughout the 19th century and a good deal of the 20th, Spain’s armed forces in the 21st century have become a state tool and a public administration controlled by democratically elected governments.


Hinduism ◽  
2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sanjay Palshikar ◽  
Gangeya Mukherji

The Bhagavad Gita has a special place in the intellectual and political history of modern India. The period from the late 19th century to the early 21st century has seen, first, a long and eventually successful nationalist struggle for freedom, and, intertwined with this struggle in complex ways, there has been a steadily growing political assertion of Hindu identity. The Gita has been a part of both these developments in a mutually reinforcing role. The text has circulated in seemingly disparate domains from devotional groups to psychology and managerial practices. But these apolitical contexts have contributed to the continued political significance of the poem, persuading writers from diverse ideological backgrounds to engage with it. The thriving print culture, a large middle class, and the swift growth of new media have ensured that the Gita will remain in India’s public culture for the foreseeable future.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Saefudin A Safi'i

This paper examines the Indonesian Islamic education tradition from the 19th Century to the early 21st Century. The data in this paper were obtained from written sources as well as several previous studies. The results reveal that the Islamic education tradition begins with religious recitation, which is taught individually (not collectively or in a classical system) in a teacher’s house, langgar, or surau. The relationship pattern between Islamic (pesantren-madrasah) and the regular education system is associated with Indonesia’s Islamic education system development. This pattern occurred in the 19th to the beginning of the 21st Century and is divided into two episodes. During the first two centuries (19th and 20th centuries), the Islamic education system (religious sciences organized by individuals, organizations, or government institutions) was still differentiated (convergence or synthesis) from the ordinary school education system (general sciences). At the beginning of the 21st Century, the relationship between the two education systems has indicated knowledge integration, although it is still minimal. So far, it has been rigidly divided between “religious sciences” on the one hand and “general sciences” on the other, leading to an integrated knowledge discourse. If this pattern is desired, an Islamic boarding school for higher education will be created. In which “general knowledge” is given during the day, and “religious knowledge” (Al-Qur’an and Kitab) is taught in the evening. This tradition has become a model for curriculum synthesis between the religious sciences and the general sciences to form the Islamic higher education institution.


2020 ◽  
pp. 171-179
Author(s):  
N. N. Fedina ◽  

The paper describes the phonetic correlations found in the records done by V. V. Radlov (1866–1907), N. A. Baskakov (1934–1952), and modern Chalkan records (2010–2019). We show certain phonetic shifts that have taken place since the middle of the 19th century: spirantization of labial consonants in the inlaut; the shifts in consonants: j-č-t’; elimination of the auslaut -ғ (-ɣ). Graphic correlations are also shown in anlaut: p- (mid-19th century), b- (mid-20th century), p- (early 21st century). The text analysis in the diachronic aspect allowed us to assume that the anlaut grapheme “b” in the texts of N. A. Baskakov is not a confirmation of the presence of the corresponding sound [b] in the language of the Chalkans of the beginning of the 20th century. The use of the analog sound [p] instead of [b] is evidenced by the materials of V. V. Radlov. N. A. Baskakov most likely used the grapheme “b” in his texts to reflect Chalkan speech at the beginning of the 20th century by analogy with other Turkic closely related languages in which this sound is present. Graphic correlations are also shown in inlaut: -џ- (mid-19th century), -dž- / -ž- (mid-20th century), -ž- / -š’- (early 21st century). Graphic variations stem from the fact that the Chalkan language remains unwritten to this day, and for the transmission of national speech, researchers and native speakers use graphics of written Altai and Russian languages, adapting it to the features of their speech.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrzej Jakubowski

Ethnic changes in Abkhazia (2nd half of the 19th century– beginning of the 21st century)Main aim of the paper is to analyse ethnic changes that took place in Abkhazia from the 60s of the 19th century to the present. The paper discusses the changes in ethnic structure of Abkhazia caused by the forced exodus of the Abkhazians to the Ottoman Empire (muhajirstvo), the process of multinational settlement in Abkhazia from the late 19th century to the 1990s, the Georgian-Abkhazian war of 1992-1993 and the national policy of de facto Abkhazia led in the post-war period in the terms of the absence of international recognition. Przemiany narodowościowe w Abchazji od II połowy XIX do początku XXI wiekuCelem artykułu jest analiza przemian narodowościowych, jakie zaszły w Abchazji począwszy od lat 60. XIX wieku do chwili obecnej. W pracy omówiono zmiany w strukturze etnicznej w Abchazji warunkowane przymusowym eksodusem Abchazów do Imperium Osmańskiego (muchadżyrstwo), procesem wielonarodowościowego osadnictwa na te- renie Abchazji od końca XIX wieku do lat 90. XX wieku, wojną gruzińsko-abchaską z lat 1992-1993 oraz polityką narodowościową de facto Abchazji prowadzoną w okresie powojennym w warunkach braku uznania międzynarodowego.


2020 ◽  
pp. 357-372
Author(s):  
Piotr Żmigrodzki ◽  

This article is dedicated to characteristics of the contents, micro- and macro-structure of the first, independent spelling dictionary of the Polish language, prepared by Antoni Jerzykowski and published in Poznań in 1885. Apart from meta-lexicographic matters, also the views of the dictionary’s author were presented on selected points of dispute in the Polish spelling of the late 19th century and the methods of their realisation in dictionary entries. The analysis demonstrated that in terms of structure and informative contents, the dictionary does not differ significantly from numerous spelling dictionaries published in the 20th century and at the beginning of the 21st century, the characteristic feature of which was enriching pure spelling information with the content from other areas of grammar and language correctness.


Author(s):  
Kaarina Aitamurto

Since the end of the 19th century, pagan ideas have inspired some representatives of nationalist, conservative, and far right political ideologies. The idea of a native tradition connected to land and ancestry, as well as the image of organic, hierarchical societies with warrior values, has fascinated conservative thinkers. Paganism as the suppressed other has also served as a symbol for various subversive ideologies. However, the use of pagan symbols, mythology, and imagery in political movements is often superficial. Therefore, it is crucial to distinguish between different forms of paganism. While some appear more unambiguously religious, others can be better described as political, cultural, or philosophical paganism. Having said that, neither contemporary pagan religious movements nor pagan-inspired politics can be understood separately from each other. Ideas, concepts, and individuals move between the two, and they are both shaped by changes in the surrounding society. In the early 21st century, the mainstream pagan religious organizations of many European countries have adopted a generally apolitical and anti-racist stance. However, the rise of xenophobia and far right parties provides fertile ground for the rise of illiberal and exclusivist forms of paganism as well.


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