Towards an Enhanced Institutional Structure of the Eurasian Economic Union

2020 ◽  
Vol 152 ◽  
pp. 102-111
Author(s):  
Igor V. Pilipenko ◽  

This article considers how to enhance the institutional structure of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) in order to enable timely decision-making and implementation of governance decisions in the interests of Eurasian integration deepening. We compare the governance structures of the EAEU and the European Union (EU) using the author’s technique and through the lens of theories of neofunctionalism and intergovernmentalism elaborated with respect to the EU. We propose to determine a major driver of the integration process at this stage (the College of the Eurasian Economic Commission or the EAEU member states), to reduce the number of decision-making bodies within the current institutional structure of the EAEU, and to divide clearly authority and competence of remaining bodies to exclude legal controversies in the EAEU.

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-91
Author(s):  
L. S. Voronkov

The paper is dedicated to the differences between the classical instruments for regulating interstate political and trade-economic relations from those used in the development of regional integration processes. Traditionally, the Eurasian Economic Union is compared with the European Union, considering the EU as a close example to follow in the development of integration processes. At the same time, there exist the other models of integration. The author proposes to pay attention to the other models of integration and based on the analysis of documents, reveals the experience of Northern Europe, which demonstrates effective cooperation without infringing on the sovereignty of the participants. The author examines the features of the integration experience of the Nordic countries in relation to the possibility of using its elements in the modern integration practice of the Eurasian Economic Union.


China Report ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 57 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-94
Author(s):  
Anthony V. Rinna

China’s deepening ties with the Republic of Belarus, combined with the latter’s geographic position between the EU and Russia (the veritable leader of the Eurasian Economic Union), stands to potentially benefit China’s bid to deepen economic cooperation with the European Union. More specifically, enhanced collaboration between Beijing and Minsk helps the PRC develop relations with the Eurasian Economic Union (essential to China’s ambitions to augment cooperation with Europe) while simultaneously providing a geographic avenue for China into the central and eastern European regions of the EU for the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Nevertheless, the degree to which Beijing’s stronger relations with Minsk will serve Chinese interests in connecting with Europe will depend in large on whether or not Belarus and the EU can overcome significant differences in their relationship, as well as whether the relationship between the European Union and the Eurasian Economic Union (as a partner of the BRI) takes on a cooperative or a competitive nature.


Author(s):  
Seljan Verdiyeva

Abstract On 29 May 2014, during the meeting of Supreme Eurasian Economic Council, the Presidents of Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan signed the Treaty on the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). Presently, the EAEU consists of the Russian Federation, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Armenia and the Kyrgyz Republic. Nonetheless, the EAEU is lobbying for an ambitious plan of enlargement and is aiming to expand across the entire Eurasian region. The EAEU claims to be the second union after the European Union with the deepest integration aspirations, containing similar institutions and decision-making approaches. This article argues that there are a number of challenges for the effective functioning of EAEU and that its Member States are not yet fully committed to liberalization in practice, contrary to the aspirations they are advocating.


2021 ◽  
Vol 101 (1) ◽  
pp. 200-208
Author(s):  
Bolonina ◽  

The Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) positions itself as an open integration formation and considers the cooperation with external partners as a key feature of its functioning. However, while it is developing a growing network of trade agreements in the framework of a Great Eurasian Partnership, it faces difficulties in establishing a formal dialogue with a neighboring integration formation – the European Union (EU). In this article we propose to analyze political causes of such “non-recognition”, conditioned by the context of political tensions between Russia and the EU countries and by the perception of the EAEU as a tool for promotion of an integration model, alternative to the European one. The article offers recommendations to enhance the dialogue between the two integration unions, oriented at strengthening of objective economic prerequisites for EU ‒ EAEU cooperation, as well as at the formation of the EAEU identity, separate from the identities of its member-states.


Author(s):  
A. Suleyman

The purpose of this study was to analyze the socio-economic measures and decisions of the Eurasian Economic Commission to prevent the negative consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic. The following tasks were set: analysis of the reaction of the European Union and its bodies to the situation with the negative consequences of the pandemic; characteristics of the socio-economic measures taken; the level of demand for the functionality of the EAEU members. Within the framework of this work, the author presents a general description of the Eurasian Economic Commission as the regulatory body of the Eurasian Economic Union, followed by a description of the measures taken by it as part of the overall fight against the spread of the new coronavirus infection COVID-19. The author's vision of systematization and classification of socio-economic measures and decisions, as well as topical issues of the development of the powers of the Eurasian Economic Commission is shown.


Res Publica ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 40 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 435-461
Author(s):  
Bart Kerremans

The European Union bas recently started negotiations on its enlargement with a first group of six countries. This will probably be followed by a second wave of enlargements that would include five or six more countries. A question that can be raised in whether the institutional structure of the EU is ready to cope with an expanded membership. This article aims at analyzing this question as far as the Council of Ministers is concerned. It points at the rising tension between the capacity of the Council to act and the extent of control that each member states can exert on Council decision-making. The IGC that resulted in the Amsterdam Treaty basically failed to resolve this problem. The article looks at the reasons why it failed since these reasons expound the problems the EU will have to face in the near future when preparing its institutions for an expanded membership.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 135-153
Author(s):  
Andrey A. Kinyakin ◽  
Svetlana Kucheriavaia

One of the most remarkable features of regional development in Eurasia is the competition between the European Union (EU) and Russia within the so called “contested neighborhood”, e.g. the post-Soviet space. Originated in the 1990s it gained the special momentum in 2000s after the beginning of the Russia-led “Eurasian integration process”, leading to the creation of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) in 2015. That fact brought the competition between the EU and Russia to the new level, e.g. the “integration race”, which had the strong impact on the whole post-Soviet space. The most obvious outcome of that process is the outburst of the Ukrainian crisis in 2013, which on the one hand contributed to further exacerbation of the EU-Russia relations, on the other – it paved the way to elaboration of the new forms and tools of the integration activities. However, it failed to bring the “integration race” between the EU and the Russia-led EAEU to the standstill. Being in the latent “crystallisation” phase, this process goes further with the covert competition between the integration blocks. Its actors are not only the non-aligned post-Soviet states, but also the existing members of the integration structures. All the mentioned above factors makes the “new edition” of the “integration race” rather dangerous because further acceleration of such a competition can lead to the large-scale rivalry between the EU and the EAEU, which may cause unpredictable consequences.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 369-378
Author(s):  
M. M. Murashko

The article focuses on the interaction of the European Union and the Eurasian Economic Union in the context of green technological transformation. The European Union is actively pursuing a policy of transition to a carbon-neutral economy. In this regard, it intends to implement a special tax mechanism, which may significantly limit export opportunities for the EAEU. Moreover, the EU is one of the key partners of the EAEU and plays a major role in the economic development of individual countries that are members of the integration association. The article further discusses the projected risks for the EAEU member states, and provides measures that can ensure trade security of the Union’s countries on the European markets. In particular, measures should be aimed at the development own environmental legislation, harmonization of the legislation of EAEU member states, and the creation of permanent negotiation mechanisms to bring together the positions of EAEU countries in the context of the climate policy pursued by the European Union.


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