scholarly journals Some questions on the law on the state of emergency

2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 101-109
Author(s):  
Maria Chochova

The article analyses two provisions of the Law on Measures and Actions in the State of Emergency, declared with the decision of the National Assembly of 13th March 2020, providing for suspension and extension of time periods provided in the legislation. The analysis is focused on examples based on the review of the labour legislation. The issue of suspended court proceedings on some labour disputes – until the end of the state of emergency – is also discussed.

Afrika Focus ◽  
1991 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 241-282
Author(s):  
Dirk Beke

The Algerian Constitution of 1989: A Bridge Between Socialism and Islamism? The riots of october 1988, the most violent uprising since independence against FLN-rule, forced president Chadli Bendjedid to accelerate and to extend the constitutional reforms announced earlier. An adaption of the constitutional law to the ongoing economic liberalization-process had become a necessity, but the popular pressure now not only asked economic changes, but also profound political reform. The new constitutional text was rapidly elaborated by a small circle of persons around the President and then submitted directly to a popular referendum. In contradiction with the procedure fixed by the previous constitution, the National Assembly was not involved nor even consulted. The constitution of 1989 generates an entirely new political regime. The word “socialism”, basis of the official doctrine since independence and largely confirmed by the provisions of the constitution of 1976, is banned completely. The new constitution also provides for the political responsibility of the Head of the Government and the members of the Government to the National People’s Assembly, and not any more to the President only. In the chapter on fundamental freedoms and the rights of man, it is explicitly provided that the State guarantees the right to form political associations. This new timorous formulation entails the end of the one-party system and the FLN’s exclusive hold on power. Some basic principles remain: Algeria is still considered a popular democratic state. Islam is the state religion and the official language is Arabic. No reference is made to the Berber language or culture. New is that the exercise of the guaranteed fundamental freedoms and rights can not be submitted any more to the imperatives of a socialist revolution. It is also stated that judges only obey to the law, they are not submitted any more to the revolutionary legality. A Constitutional Council is created to ensure that the constitution is respected but citizens have no right to submit a case, only the President and the President of the Assembly have. The tasks of the army are limited to safeguard the national independence and sovereignty,•the army has no duties any more to safeguard the socialist revolution. The introduction of a responsible Government affects the presidential powers only in a minor way. The President presides over the Council of ministers, where bills are discussed. The President can ask the Assembly for a second reading of a law and this new vote requires a two-thirds majority. Only the President has the initiative for a constitutional revision. The President chairs a number of other councils. Finally the declaration of the state of emergency is depending only on the decision of the President; this attributes him large exceptional powers. Thus, the constitution of 1989 confirms a strong presidential regime but on the other hand it has introduced a real multi-party system in Algeria. More than 20 political parties are recognised. During the local elections of 1990 the ruling FLN was defeated in most places by a massive victory of the islamic fundamentalist party, the FIS. A new electorial law, voted by the - still exclusive FLN - National Assembly beginning 1991, had to ensure a better result for the FLN during the forthcoming first free national elections. In June 1991 violent and even armed protest, organised by the fundamentalists against the law forced president Bendjedid to postpone elections, to declare the state of emergency but also to promise early presidential elections. Meanwhile many fundamentalists, and between them the main party-leaders, were arrested. The army played a crucial role in reestablishing public order and as a consequence gained more importance, but there were no signs that it exceeded its authority. Under present difficulties one wonders whether the constitution of 1989 will help to create a representative democratic multi-partyism, with an equitable liberal economy, whether it will help to open the way for a regime dominated by islamic fundamentalists?


De Jure ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sasho Penov ◽  
◽  
◽  

An Act on the Measures And Activities At The State Emergency was adopted by the Parliament in relation to the growing pandemic COVID-19 in March 2020 and announced by a decision of the National Assembly on 13.03.2020. The act stipulates the measures and actions to be taken by the executive power, employers and appointing authorities, as well as the enactment of provisions of different legal acts and individual administrative acts during the state of emergency. The construction of the law consists of general provisions and transitional and final provisions. In the part of the transitional provisions of the act are included specific rules which expressly rearrange the enactment and application of certain provisions of the current tax legislation. The article discusses the the content of these norms and some debatable issues which they raise. Based on the purpose of the law, as derived by the motives of its bill and its content, it may be concluded that these specific rules implement tax deductions only on particular taxes and for a limited circle of taxpayers. Different possible interpretations are discussed when comparing the general norms of the law and the special provisions for tax matters.


Afrika Focus ◽  
1991 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dirk Beke

The riots of October 1988, the most violent uprising since independence against FLN-rule, forced president Chadli Bendjedid to accelerate and to extend the constitutional reforms announced earlier. An adaption of the constitutional law to the ongoing economic liberalization-process had become a necessity, but the popular pressure now not only asked economic changes, but also profound political reform. The new constitutional text was rapidly elaborated by a small circle of persons around the President and then submitted directly to a popular referendum. In contradiction with the procedure fixed by the previous constitution, the National Assembly was not involved nor even consulted. The constitution of 1989 generates an entirely new political regime. The word "socialism", basis of the official doctrine since independence and largely confirmed by the provisions of the constitution of 1976, is banned completely. The new constitution also provides for the political responsibility of the Head of the Government and the members of the  Government to the National People's Assembly, and not any more to the President only. In the chapter on fundamental freedoms and the rights of man, it is explicitly provided that the State guarantees the right to form political associations. This new timorous formulation entails the end of the one-party system and the FLN's exclusive hold on power.Some basic principles remain: Algeria is still considered a popular democratic state. Islam is the state religion and the official language is Arabic. No reference is made to the Berber language or culture. New is that the exercise of the guaranteed fundamental freedoms and rights can not be submitted any more to the imperatives of a socialist revolution. It is also stated that judges only obey to the law, they are not submitted any more to the revolutionary legality. A Constitutional Council is created to ensure that the constitution is respected but citizens have no right to submit a case, only the President and the President of the Assembly have. The tasks of the army are limited to safeguard the national independence and sovereignty; the army has no duties any more to safeguard the socialist revolution. The introduction of a responsible Government affects the presidential powers only in a minor way. The President presides over the Council of ministers, where bills are discussed. The President can ask the Assembly for a second reading of a law and this new vote requires a two-thirds majority. Only the President has the initiative for a constitutional revision. The President chairs a number of other councils. Finally the declaration of the state of emergency is depending only on the decision of the President; this attributes him large exceptional powers. Thus, the constitution of 1989 confirms a strong presidential regime but on the other hand it has introduced a real multi-party system in Algeria. More than 20 political parties are recognised. During the local elections of1990 the ruling FLN was defeated in most places by a massive victory of the islamic fundamentalist party, the FIS. A new electorial law, voted by the - still exclusive FLN - National Assembly beginning 1991, had to ensure a better result for the FLN during the forthcoming first free national elections. In June 1991 violent and even armed protest, organised by the fundamentalists against the law forced president Bendjedid to postpone elections, to declare the state of emergency but also to promise early presidential elections. Meanwhile many fundamentalists, and between them the main party-leaders, were arrested. The army played a crucial role in re- establishing public order and as a consequence gained more importance, but there were no signs that it exceeded its authority. Under present difficulties one wonders whether the constitution of 1989 will help to create a representative democratic multi-partyism, with an equitable liberal economy, whether it will help to open the way for a regime dominated by islamic fundamentalists?KEY WORDS: Algeria, constitution, internal politics 


De Jure ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Momchil Ivanov

The article addresses the current issue of the manifestations of force majeure in the state of emergency in Bulgaria, declared in 2020. The emphasis is on the Law on Measures and Actions during the state of emergency and on overcoming the consequences and orders of the Minister of Health as manifestations of force majeure by analysing its essential features according to Article 306 of the Bulgarian Law on Commerce. A distinction has been made between these forms of force majeure and economic intolerance.


2006 ◽  
Vol 7 (5) ◽  
pp. 453-477 ◽  
Author(s):  
András Jakab

A foreign jurist, on looking into the German literature on constitutional law, will soon and suddenly be struck by a peculiarity of this scholarship: the unusually strong emphasis on a marginal area of constitutional law, namely, the state of emergency. The inquiry is, of course, well-known in other countries, but the passion for, and the theoretical effort expended on, this marginal area is unique to Germany.However, this disinterest on the part of other constitutional lawyers, and the recent decline in interest on Germany's part, could yet change, turning the marginal area into a highly current issue. Combating terrorism raises questions for which the German patterns of argumentation, fine-tuned in the academic debate on the law of state of emergency, may provide a useful framework for discussion. The questions arising in the context of the struggle against terrorism test the limits of positive regulations in extreme situations, leading ultimately to the same underlying dilemma as the law on state of emergency, though with different terminology. In this sense, the constellation of legal issues involved in combating terrorism could be considered as the law on state of emergency “incognito.” However, the various argumentative patterns for law on state of emergency have not yet been directly transferred into the very timely legal discourse on counterterrorism (and no such attempt is made here), but such a transfer of argumentation suggests itself. As such, the topic has a “potential currency,” even if traditional issues of state of emergency themselves no longer count among the most current issues.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 414
Author(s):  
Jhon Pridol ◽  
Firman Wijaya

Legal certainty is one of the "three basic values of the law" which means it can be equated with the principle of law. A verdict or court decision must be in accordance with the law because the judge must judge based on the law. Decisions must also be fair, objective and impartial. Therefore the ideal decision is a decision that contains justice, usefulness and legal certainty proportionally. Seeing from the application of the Criminal Procedure Code, the main purpose of tracking assets resulting from criminal acts to be confiscated in court proceedings and ultimately resulting in a court decision is to be returned to the rightful party. In practice, there is a conflict between the victim and the judge's decision regarding the confiscation of evidence by the State that was confiscated from a First Travel travel agent, because the evidence seized from First Travel is the result of fraud from a prospective Umrah pilgrimage that should be returned to the victim as compensation.


SCIENTIARVM ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-17
Author(s):  
MARIA ISABEL MAGALY TAPIA OREJÓN ◽  

ABSTRACT: The State Procurement Supervisory Agency has begun the reactivation of the works, according to the second transitory supplementary provision of Legislative Decree No. 1486 and Resolution No. 061-2020-OSCE / PRE that approves Directive No. 05- 2020-OSCE; In order to formalize the reactivation of the works paralyzed by the COVID-19 State of emergency, they are mandatory, both for the entity and for the contractor, the latter must submit its request for an extension of the exceptional term of the work contract, quantifying the The term required for the completion of the work and the total amount of the costs for the activities pending execution, the COVID-19 sanitary protocol, not foreseen at the time of signing the work contract. The budget for this exceptional term extension will have the same work budget, the public treasury will not disburse a budget. For the reactivation of the paralyzed works, the modification of the initial contractual conditions agreed between the contractor and the entity is indisputable. Provided in Art. 34.1 the origin of the modification and Art. 34.10 other modifications of the Law on State Procurement, this amendment has not been considered by the OSCE Directive. In this sense, the article intends to describe the implications of the provisions of the OSCE Directive in the work contract and determine that this normative document violates the commutativity of the contract that appears was agreed between the parties -the entity and the contractor- for the execution of the work. Key words: Contract, Commutativity, Modification, Legislative Decree No. 1486, Directive No. 05-2020-OSCE, COVID-19


1974 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 548-557 ◽  
Author(s):  
Itzhak Zamir

A few years ago a Supreme Court Justice remarked that in Israel the strike was a sacred tradition. Indeed it was. But now, it is more often regarded as a nuisance. This change of attitude has been reflected in the law.In this country, as in some other countries, the law concerning labour disputes has swung back and forth during the years like a pendulum: from severe restrictions under the Ottoman Empire, through de facto recognition during the British mandatory period, to a privileged status after the establishment of the State of Israel. True, even after the establishment of the State, the right to strike has not been expressly guaranteed by any statute. But in this respect, it is not different from other basic rights, such as the freedoms of expression or assembly, which are in the nature of common law rights. In fact, it fares better, since other rights are subject under various statutes to substantial restrictions. Only the right to strike was left virtually free from such legal restraints. One might be led to believe that to the socialist leaders of the country, most of whom rose to the Government from the ranks of the trade union movement, the right to strike was dearer than other civil liberties. During the first twenty years of the State, on the few occasions on which the legislature touched upon the right to strike, it only acted to protect it. Most conspicuous is the provision that a strike shall not be regarded as breach of a personal obligation on the part of the individual employee.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 259-270
Author(s):  
Median Jamal Al Mahasneh ◽  
Mohamad Baraa Basel Abuanzeh

The authority based on martial law or the state of emergency is accustomed to issuing legislation that works to prevent the judiciary from considering its actions that are in implementation of the customary law, and that is either during the establishment of exceptional circumstances or after its expiry meaning that it prevents individuals from resorting to the judiciary to challenge their exceptional authority Authorized to it according to the texts governing the exceptional circumstances (). The most dangerous thing that the legislative or executive authority usually does regarding a state of emergency is what it issues from laws or instructions called the laws of inclusive (laws of lifting responsibility) even though the correctness of its name in estimating some of them should be the laws of exemptions from implications (). This is because this immunization according to these laws will inevitably lead to the inability of any victim to resort to the judiciary, in the event that those who implement martial law or the state of emergency exceed their competences entrusted to them under exceptional circumstances. The Raising the Liability Law or the Implications Law is defined as legislation whose purpose is to legitimize actions that were at the time of their unlawful act, and to exempt the persons who are subject to them from the responsibility of assaulting the law, and this is what Jordan and other countries followed like France and Egypt, and that was in times of declaring martial law and a state Emergency. The methods of immunization vary and its extent varies, it may be partially preventing the appeal of cancellation or requesting the suspension of the implementation of the administrative decision only, so individuals are permitted to even seek compensation for the damage caused by the immune decision, and it may be totally, thus giving the administrative decision total immunity, whether in terms of cancellation or suspension of execution or Compensation, and it may be an absolute immunization, as it stipulates that the decision may not be appealed in any way of appeal before any judicial or administrative authority, and the immunization may be proportional, that is, with regard to preventing the appeal of the decision before the judiciary with the assignment of jurisdiction in relation to it to an administrative authority or committee, In terms of the immunization tool, it may be either by a law issued by the legislative authority, and this is the overwhelming majority, and it may be inferior to the law, such as regular systems such as customary management instructions in Jordan .   In this paper, I will discuss the position of the judiciary in Jordan and the comparative judiciary regarding these legislations. To determine the impact of these laws on the right of individuals to seek legal redress when they are harmed through two topics:


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