The Law of Labour Disputes

1974 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 548-557 ◽  
Author(s):  
Itzhak Zamir

A few years ago a Supreme Court Justice remarked that in Israel the strike was a sacred tradition. Indeed it was. But now, it is more often regarded as a nuisance. This change of attitude has been reflected in the law.In this country, as in some other countries, the law concerning labour disputes has swung back and forth during the years like a pendulum: from severe restrictions under the Ottoman Empire, through de facto recognition during the British mandatory period, to a privileged status after the establishment of the State of Israel. True, even after the establishment of the State, the right to strike has not been expressly guaranteed by any statute. But in this respect, it is not different from other basic rights, such as the freedoms of expression or assembly, which are in the nature of common law rights. In fact, it fares better, since other rights are subject under various statutes to substantial restrictions. Only the right to strike was left virtually free from such legal restraints. One might be led to believe that to the socialist leaders of the country, most of whom rose to the Government from the ranks of the trade union movement, the right to strike was dearer than other civil liberties. During the first twenty years of the State, on the few occasions on which the legislature touched upon the right to strike, it only acted to protect it. Most conspicuous is the provision that a strike shall not be regarded as breach of a personal obligation on the part of the individual employee.

2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 457-467 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ruth Lapidoth ◽  
Ofra Friesel

In 2003 Israel adopted the Nationality and Entry into Israel (Provisional Measure) Law, 5763-2003. The Provisional Measure deals generally with entry into Israel; at first it dealt only with entry into Israel of residents of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, and later it was extended also to nationals and residents of Iran, Iraq, Lebanon and Syria. It is particularly relevant for cases of unification of families and immigration for the purpose of marriage.The following article offers a short summary of the law as it has been amended in 2005 and 2007, as well as its interpretation by the government (since 2008) and then examines its conformity with international law. The Provisional Measure involves a clash between the right of the individual to marry the person of his choice and establish a family on the one hand, and the right of the state to regulate freely immigration and entry into its territory on the other hand. Since international law has not established a right to family unification nor to immigration for the purpose of marriage, the right of the state prevails in this matter. Yet, the Provisional Measure deviates from international law in a different aspect, as it leads to a de facto discrimination, mostly of Israeli Arabs. This discrimination is not permitted by the Convention for the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination, to which Israel is a party. It is recommended that Israel amends the law in order to bring it into conformity with international law.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (10(79)) ◽  
pp. 12-18
Author(s):  
G. Bubyreva

The existing legislation determines the education as "an integral and focused process of teaching and upbringing, which represents a socially important value and shall be implemented so as to meet the interests of the individual, the family, the society and the state". However, even in this part, the meaning of the notion ‘socially significant benefit is not specified and allows for a wide range of interpretation [2]. Yet the more inconcrete is the answer to the question – "who and how should determine the interests of the individual, the family and even the state?" The national doctrine of education in the Russian Federation, which determined the goals of teaching and upbringing, the ways to attain them by means of the state policy regulating the field of education, the target achievements of the development of the educational system for the period up to 2025, approved by the Decree of the Government of the Russian Federation of October 4, 2000 #751, was abrogated by the Decree of the Government of the Russian Federation of March 29, 2014 #245 [7]. The new doctrine has not been developed so far. The RAE Academician A.B. Khutorsky believes that the absence of the national doctrine of education presents a threat to national security and a violation of the right of citizens to quality education. Accordingly, the teacher has to solve the problem of achieving the harmony of interests of the individual, the family, the society and the government on their own, which, however, judging by the officially published results, is the task that exceeds the abilities of the participants of the educational process.  The particular concern about the results of the patriotic upbringing served as a basis for the legislative initiative of the RF President V. V. Putin, who introduced the project of an amendment to the Law of RF "About Education of the Russian Federation" to the State Duma in 2020, regarding the quality of patriotic upbringing [3]. Patriotism, considered by the President of RF V. V. Putin as the only possible idea to unite the nation is "THE FEELING OF LOVE OF THE MOTHERLAND" and the readiness for every sacrifice and heroic deed for the sake of the interests of your Motherland. However, the practicing educators experience shortfalls in efficient methodologies of patriotic upbringing, which should let them bring up citizens, loving their Motherland more than themselves. The article is dedicated to solution to this problem based on the Value-sense paradigm of upbringing educational dynasty of the Kurbatovs [15].


Author(s):  
Julian Le Grand ◽  
Bill New

This chapter examines the politics of paternalism. It first considers the question of whether the government can do better than the individual, outlining a set of justifications for government paternalism and showing how the state can intervene to improve the well-being of its citizens. It then discusses possible ways in which the government could be held to account to ensure that, in its paternalistic interventions aimed at improving its citizens' well-being, it does actually pursue the “right” agenda. It argues that the government can indeed raise the well-being of individuals who suffer from reasoning failure, even when allowance is made for possible reasoning failure among those individuals who constitute the government. However, democratic mechanisms must be put in place to ensure that the latter do not pursue their own agenda and turn the paternalistic state into an instrument of authoritarianism.


Hegel's Value ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 222-275
Author(s):  
Dean Moyar

This chapter utilizes the structure of life and valid inference to analyze the internal structure of Civil Society and the State as well as the relationship between the two institutional spheres. The chapter unpacks the passage from the Logic in which Hegel describes the State as a totality of inferences with the three terms of individuals, their needs, and the government. It is shown that the “system of needs” itself forms a quasi-living institutional system of estates centered on the division of labor. This system’s inadequacy motivates the role of the “police” and corporation as ethical agencies, forms of the Good, within Civil Society. While the move to the State overcomes the individualism of “needs,” the right of the individual remains in the dynamics of “settling one’s own account” in receiving from the State a return on one’s duty to the State. Hegel treats the State proper as a constitution consisting of three powers of government that form a totality of inferential relations that has the full structure of a living organism. The executive power is examined in detail as the particularizing element in the system.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Mark Prebble

<p>This thesis considers how best to administer redistribution policies. It focuses particularly on the information needed to assess relative circumstances, the implications of the government collecting such information, and processes by which the appropriate information may be assembled and assessed. In New Zealand, as with many other OECD nations, the Government's redistribution policies are administered through a range of different agencies, with duplication in some areas and gaps in others. An integrated approach to redistribution systems may offer a means to improve equity and efficiency. Part One discusses the assessment of relative well-being, and adopts the choice set as the intellectual device for this purpose. The time period for the assessment of income is examined in detail, with the conclusion that a long period should be used except where the individual is constrained to operate under a short time horizon. A new concept of "bankability" is developed as a means of identifying those operating under such constraints. Part Two uses the philosophical foundations of the value of privacy to develop a new statement of the right to privacy, such that everyone should be protected against the requirement to divulge information, unless that information is the "business" of another party. A view on the business of the state depends on one's ideology of the state. Since it is generally accepted in New Zealand in the late twentieth century that the state has a role in redistribution, the state has some right to collect information for that purpose. However, the rights of the state are moderated by the existence of a common law tradition of respect for individuals. A set of criteria for evaluating redistribution systems is devised in Part Three. These criteria, which include consideration of the information to be collected, individual control over personal information, and administrative simplicity, are then used to identify significant weaknesses in the systems currently used in New Zealand. The main problems identified are the collection of inadequate information, duplication, and complex institutional structures; the main virtue of the current systems is that information provided is only used for the purpose for which it was provided. An alternative approach is outlined which would address the problems while retaining the current protection of privacy interests. This thesis is a mix of inter-disciplinary academic enquiry and policy development. Part One is an amalgam of economic and philosophical approaches, Part Two involves philosophy and politics, and Part Three applies the theoretical considerations to issues of public administration.</p>


Media Iuris ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 236
Author(s):  
Anis Tiana Pottag

The inception of the regulation No. 6 year concerning immigration 2011 and No. 13 year 2003 and regarding the employment has had a huge impact in the political direction of the law controlling foreign workers who works in Indonesia. The controlling system of foreign workers who work in Indonesia aims to protect the rights of Indonesian citizens from losing their jobs because of the high number of foreign workers who come to work in Indonesia. As the implementation of an Article 27 paragraph 2 of the national constitution in 1945 specifies where every citizen of Indonesia has the right to work and a decent subsistence for humanity. As the state which constituted by the law, Indonesia has a responsibility to protect the rights of its citizens in accordance with Article number 28, paragraph 4 where the protection, promotion, enforcement and fulfillment of human rights is the responsibility of the state, especially in this case is the responsibility of the government. The utilization of foreign labor in Indonesia should be limited in number and areas that can be occupied by the foreign labor. The Labor law and regulation limit the positions that can be occupied by the foreign labor. The positions which are prohibited (closed list) should be considered by the employer before filing the utilization of foreign labor. Apart from having to comply with the provisions regarding the positions, the employer should also pay attention to the standards of an applicable competency.


1945 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 2-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lord Wright

In preparing the few and elementary observations which I am about to make to you tonight I have wondered if the title I chose was apt or suitable. The Common Law is generally described as the law of liberty, of freedom and of free peoples. It was a home-made product. In the eighteenth century, foreign lawyers called it an insular and barbarous system; they compared it to their own system of law, developed on the basis of Roman and Civil Law. Many centuries before, and long after Bracton's day, when other civilised European nations ‘received’ the Roman Law, England held back and stood aloof from the Reception. It must have been a near thing. It seems there could have been a Reception here if the Judges had been ecclesiastics, steeped in the Civil Law. But as it turned out they were laymen, and were content as they travelled the country, and in London as well, to adopt what we now know as the Case System, instead of the rules and categories of the Civil Law. Hence the method of threshing out problems by debate in Court, and later on the basis of written pleadings which we find in the Year Books. For present purposes, all I need observe is that the Civil Lawyer had a different idea of the relation of the state or the monarch to the individual from that of the Common Lawyer. To the Civil or Roman Lawyer, the dominant maxim was ‘quod placuit principi legis habet vigorem’; law was the will of the princeps. With this may be compared the rule expressed in Magna Carta in 1215: No freeman, it was there said, was to be taken or imprisoned or exiled or in any way destroyed save by the lawful judgment of his peers and by the law of the land. Whatever the exact application of that phrase in 1215, it became a text for fixing the relations between the subject and the State. Holdsworth quotes from the Year Book of 1441; the law is the highest English inheritance the King hath, for by the law he and all his subjects are ruled. That was the old medieval doctrine that all things are governed by law, either human or divine. That is the old doctrine of the supremacy of the law, which runs through the whole of English history, and which in the seventeenth century won the day against the un-English doctrine of the divine right of Kings and of their autocratic power over the persons and property of their subjects. The more detailed definition of what all that involved took time to work out. I need scarcely refer to the great cases in the eighteenth century in which the Judges asserted the right of subjects to freedom from arbitrary arrest as against the ministers of state and against the validity of a warrant to seize the papers of a person accused of publishing a seditious libel; in particular Leach v. Money (1765) 19 St. Tr. 1001; Entick v. Carrington (1765) 19 St. Tr. 1029; Wilkes v. Halifax (1769) 19 St. Tr. 1406. In this connexion may be noted Fox's Libel Act, 1792, which dealt with procedure, but fixed a substantive right to a trial by jury of the main issue in the cases it referred to.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (11) ◽  
pp. 258-264
Author(s):  
Chepulchenko T. О.

The article examines the modern concept of human rights as the universally accepted system of views and attitudes about the place and role of human rights in the society and the state. The list of human rights enshrined in these international instruments and the constitutions of many countries, was the result of a long historical development of samples and standards of human life and the entire community. It is emphasized that on the basis of a combination of natural and positivistic concepts of human rights and made possible the consolidation of fundamental freedoms in the constitutions of democratic States. The article focuses on the basic concepts of how to solve the problem of human rights and legal status of the individual which have developed in the history of legal theory and practice of various peoples: liberal (European) concept of human rights, collectivist, Islamic and traditionalist concept. It is emphasized that a decisive influence on the establishment of human rights made on the liberal conception of natural law doctrine, which established the priority of human rights, the new parameters of the relationship between the individual and the government. In the statement of the rights and freedoms of man played an important role in their ideological, doctrinal justification – the doctrine of natural human rights that do not depend on the discretion and arbitrariness of the government, and it is aimed at ensuring the rights defined by nature. Based on this doctrine and on the above mentioned international legal instruments, the new Constitution of Ukraine establishes a number of new rights, which were previously unknown or Constitution of the Soviet Ukraine nor the Ukrainian legislation: the right to life, right to dignity, the right to respect for private and family life, freedom of movement and free choice of residence, right to freedom of thought and speech, free expression of views and beliefs, and so on. Therefore, a new concept of the relationship between the Ukrainian state and the person with priority to the latter is brought to life, since the category of human rights operates solely in relations between man and power. Human rights are the limits of power. They define the sphere of human activity in which the power (the state) cannot interfere and the responsibilities which the state has for the human being. The article also discusses four generations of human rights, it is noted that in the XXI century. we can talk about the formation of the fourth generation of human rights, which is connected with the scientific discoveries in the field of microbiology, medicine, genetics and more. It is this generation that is at the center of intense debate precisely in terms of the naturalness of these phenomena and processes, from the standpoint of morality and worldview of a particular society, as well as based on the content of scientific doctrine. As a conclusion, the author writes that the legally enshrined legal position of a person has as its basis a liberal and natural-law concept, which stipulated as the primary principles freedom and inalienability, inalienability of human rights that belong to it from birth. Reference points are made in the relationship between the state and man - freedom, equality, the rule of law, the universality of human rights. And on these principles, principles, in addition to the actual scope of human rights and obligations, are exercised by these rights and freedoms. Keywords: constitution, concept of human rights, international legal act, human rights, natural law.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (11) ◽  
pp. 127-133
Author(s):  
Kotenko Т.

The article deals with the historical stages of the creation, development, and formation of a human rights institute. The ideological and theoretical heritage of Ancient Greece and Rome, which is the basis for the study of ideas about justice, social equality, and human freedom, is analyzed based on the analysis of the fundamental ideas of the most famous thinkers of antiquity. It was the philosophers of antiquity who initiated the concept of "natural law", which was formed over the centuries by the desire of man to understand the world, determine his place in society and politics. From the time of antiquity, the concept of human rights gradually began to emerge; Subsequently, the concept of equality, freedom of person, person, and citizen were formed. Ancient philosophers came up with the idea of law in general and the idea of human rights under the requirements of their time and conditions of social development. Over time, the ancient perception of social equality, justice, dignity, independence, and freedom of man became the starting point and benchmark of European political culture. The early period of the development of political and legal doctrines in ancient Greece is associated with the time of the formation of ancient Greek statehood. It was at this time that an attempt was made to give rationalist ideas about ethical and legal order in human affairs and relations instead of mythological ones. It should be noted that ancient Greek views on human rights were formed in mythological ideas about the origin of policies and divine justice. That is why rights come from the divine order of justice, which became the basis for the category equality. Only what corresponded to the concept of equality (within the concept of justice) was understood as right. In ancient Greek politics, customs and mono-norms gradually transformed towards protecting the dignity of citizens. The polite democracy gave impetus to the emergence of freedom, which promoted the emergence of equal political rights among the citizens of this policy. In the Greek city-state, the law first emerged as a specific phenomenon, and the life of the policy began to be compulsory for everyone. Subsequently, the Pythagoreans (VI –V centuries BC) formulated an important role in shaping the idea of legal equality and justice, using numerical proportions, that is, the ratio of certain parameters. The provision that "fair is to pay another equal" essentially introduces the coupon principle. Subsequently, this reflected Solon (7th-6th centuries BC) in his reforms. It eliminated debt slavery and, as a result of the compromise between nobility and demos, introduced a moderate censorship democracy in Athens. All citizens of the policy should equally be protected by the law and obey its mandatory rules (1). Recognized the law as a requirement of legal equality of free citizens of the policy, slaves did not apply the legal rules. Equality was considered in two respects: equality in law and equality before the law. Developed by Roman lawyers provisions in which a person acts as a subject of law, determine the legal status of a person, establish the freedom and formal equality of people under natural law, define Roman citizenship as a special legal status of a person, the distribution of the right to private and public, etc. contributed to the awareness of legal the importance of human rights in the context of the systematic doctrine of the legal nature of the relationship between the individual and the state. Roman law, extending to a state which it regarded as the object of its study along with positive law, ensured a legal relationship between the state and the individual, which was crucial for the development of the institution of the protection of individual rights in the world at that time (14, p. 119). In relation to individuals, the state was not above the rule of law, but directly its component part, which has all the basic properties of a law. The basis of a just and legal relationship between the individual and the state recognized the law, not the state. The individual and the state must be law-abiding subjects of legal relations, that is, act according to the rules of law. Conclusion. To sum up, we can point out that the first theoretical developments and statutory provisions of the law go back to ancient times. The thinkers of Ancient Greece and Rome initiated the basic concepts of justice, equality, autonomy. It was then that ideas about political rights, lawmaking, democracy, and the personal responsibility of citizens were formed. However, freedom was not universal, it did not belong to slaves, and they were not the subjects of relations in the policy. The population of the policies was divided into different social and ethnic groups and accordingly had different legal status. Such inequality was the norm, so the priority was given to a policy or state that was enshrined in legislation. However, in Ancient Greece, there were also certain individual rights of citizens such as the right to speak; private property rights; the right to participate in government; the right to hold office; to participate in national meetings; the right to participate in the administration of justice; the right to appeal against illegal acts, etc. In Ancient Rome, this list was supplemented by the right to bargain, freedom of movement, the right of the people's tribune to veto, the ban on torture, the adversarial process of the lawsuit, etc. Keywords: Antiquity period, city-policies, human rights, legal equality, society, justice.


Author(s):  
Mann F A

The conduct of foreign affairs is an executive act of government in which neither the Queen nor Parliament has any part. It is the Government which represents the State and determines its policy, though Parliament has the right and the power to control the Executive, to withhold confidence in it, to refuse to grant the financial resources required to carry out its decisions, and thus to deprive the Government's foreign policy of efficacy. Hence the Government must be certain that its foreign policy has the support of Parliament. The affairs which the Crown conducts comprise the whole catalogue of relations with foreign nations which includes the declaration of war and peace, of belligerency and neutrality, and the recognition of foreign States and of their extinction. The law can control the conduct of foreign affairs if and in so far as the prerogative has been superseded by legislation, but even where this has happened there usually remains a residue of prerogative power vested in the Executive.


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