Is pan-European security possible?

2020 ◽  
pp. 49-56
Author(s):  
Lev Klepatsky

The article analyses the EU approach towards pan-European security, the substance that was eroded by the Brussels’ activities. The EU policy resulted into degradation the pan-European security architecture. It became a hostage of the trans-Atlantic solidarity. One of the main aims of transforming European economic communities into the EU was to establish itself as a hegemon in Europe and to reorganize the European sphere on its own rules and principles. Political expedience became superior over economic performance in the EU policies. The EU claimed to represent the whole Europe though not all the European states were its members. Due to the EU and NATO activities the OSCE turned into a minor organization unable to address the challenges of pan-European security. The EU policy has led to creation of new conflicts and division lines in Europe. The EU-Russian relations are considered in the context of pan-European security. The mechanisms for dialogue and cooperation in various fields, including security, are broken. The EU is pursuing the policy of pushing Russia out of Europe. The Ukrainian crisis is an artificial product of the EU. The concept of pan-European security needs critical review and rethinking the role of Russia.

2018 ◽  
pp. 163-179
Author(s):  
Oskar Wolski

Smart Villages is an approach to rural development which has been under discussion in the EU as one of the subthemes that the ENRD is working on. For this reason, the Thematic Group (TG) on Smart Villages was launched in 2017. Since then it has been contributing to the definition of smart villages, discussing the changes in rural development policy and opportunities for providing support for smart villages, exchanging experience and best practices in smart rural development, and serving as a forum for dialogue between various rural stakeholders. This paper outlines the discussion held during the selected meetings of the TG and briefly indicates the academic background of the approach discussed. Its aim was to present Smart Villages in terms of EU policy. Hence, the paper presents the genesis of the EU debate, highlights some of the dilemmas of the definition of smart villages, indicates the role of the territorial governments and the EU in creating the conditions for implementing the approach, and shows the selected examples of smart rural development. Smart Villages is an alternative way of thinking about the quality of rural life, and it seems to respond to the way the EU policy is evolving. However, it calls for better tailored tools and instruments, which applies both to EU policies and national/regional sources. It also calls for regional and local governments to play their role in the process.


Author(s):  
Paul Craig

The discussion thus far has focused on centralized and shared administration as ways in which EU policy is delivered. This chapter focuses on Comitology and the making of secondary norms, which normally take the form of rules. This cuts across the previous analysis, in the sense that rulemaking is a feature of both direct and shared administration. The structure of the discussion is as follows. It begins with analysis of the problem presented by rulemaking, and the necessity for any polity, including the EU, to administer an area through secondary norms of a legislative nature. This is followed by an historical overview of rulemaking in the EU and the role of Comitology therein. The focus then shifts to detailed evaluation of the approach to rulemaking in the Lisbon Treaty.


European View ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 238-244
Author(s):  
Eloïse Ryon

Since Brexit and the COVID-19 pandemic, there has been a radical transformation of the meaning, use and role of the concept of strategic autonomy within the European project. Whereas its application was originally restricted to defence matters, it is now explicitly mentioned in other sectors, including pharmaceuticals. The COVID-19 pandemic and its political, social and economic consequences have considerably boosted the trend to broaden the concept’s sphere of application. Strategic autonomy has found new life as a key political concept that will help shape the future of the EU. But does the concept really apply to all sectors? To what extent is European strategic autonomy behind the development of the Energy Union? The article attempts to provide an answer to these questions through an analysis of the theoretical and practical development of the concept, focusing particularly on the debate around Nord Stream 2.


Author(s):  
Charles O’Mahony ◽  
Shivaun Quinlivan

This chapter assesses the role of the UN Convention on the Rights of People with Disabilities (CRPD) in driving law and policy reform globally relating to the rights of people with disabilities. By ratifying the CRPD states promise to adopt proactive equality norms and provide positive supports for persons with disabilities. They are also required to involve people with disabilities in the enforcement and implementation of the CRPD. It is thus a valuable tool for those advocating for the realisation of the rights of persons with disabilities that they be treated on an equal basis with others and fully included in society. The potential of the CRPD as a tool for social policy reforms is illustrated with reference to its use to impact EU policy to accelerate the de-institutionalisation and de-segregation of persons with disabilities across the EU.


2014 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 314-323 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lorna Schrefler ◽  
Jacques Pelkmans

Risk regulation is a major task of the EU. In this context, scientific knowledge and advice is critical to the preparation, formulation, legislation and later revision of EU risk regulation. However and with some notable exceptions (e.g. some EU Agencies, DG SANCO), there seems to be no systematic view, let alone, organisation for the ‘use of science’ for EU policy–making. It is in this light that the new function of Chief Scientific Advisor (CSA) to the President of the European Commission can best be appreciated. The authors first sketch how ‘science’ is used in the EU regulatory regime and what is or has become problematic about it. Subsequently, an informal SWOT analysis of the ‘use of science’ for EU policy is conducted. The contribution ends with an attempt to evaluate the CSA's accomplishments to date and how it can contribute to improving EU regulation. This is followed by a few recommendations on how the role of the CSA could be strengthened in the near future.


2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-200 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erik Longo

AbstractThis Article analyzes the state of democracy in the EU through the study of the European Citizens’ Initiative. The European Citizens’ Initiative (ECI) represents one of the main ways the European institutions chose during the making of the European Convention, and then reproduced in the Lisbon Treaty, to beat populism by bringing decision-making closer to the citizens and promoting a new legitimization of Europe’s political unity. This Article starts by arguing that if one wants to understand European versions of populism it is necessary to pay attention to the reason why “democratic deficit” and “Euroscepticism” are predominant problems that the European Union is facing. It then analyzes the implementation of the ECI and the main issues of this instrument of democratization pointing at three flaws: a) the problem of e-democracy; b) the difficulty of stimulating large participation of civil society and people for the purposes of the ECIs; c) the cumbersome role of the EU Commission and the difficulties to ensure a real participatory instrument for the European citizens. From the analysis of the ECI this Article first advocates for a more robust public sphere in Europe as indispensable ground for a supranational democracy; second, it supports the revision of the ECI procedural aspects to transform it into a viable channel for amending EU policies in a more democratic way; third, this Article participates in the debate over the brand of democracy most suited to EU governance and polity.


2018 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 493-519 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicole Dewandre ◽  

In this article, I argue that Hannah Arendt’s well-known but controversial distinction between labour, work, and action provides, perhaps unexpectedly, a conceptual grounding for transforming politics and policy-making at the EU level. Beyond the analysis and critique of modernity, Arendt brings the conceptual resources needed for the EU to move beyond the modern trap it fell into thirty years ago. At that time, the European Commission shifted its purpose away from enhancing interdependence among Member States with a common market towards achieving an internal market in the name of boosting growth and creating jobs. Arendt provides the conceptual tools to transform the conceptualisation of relations and of agents that fuels the growing dissatisfaction among many Europeans with EU policy-making. This argument is made through stretching and re-articulating Arendt’s labour-work-action distinction and taking seriously both the biological and plural dimensions of the human condition, besides its rational one. By applying this shift in an EU context, EU policies could change their priorities and better address the needs and expectations of plural political agents and of European citizens.


2000 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gilbert Weiss ◽  
Ruth Wodak

The fight against unemployment has been declared a top priority of European Union (EU) policies. Indeed, if mass unemployment is the major political problem in Europe, then the legitimacy of the EU as a political union will crucially depend on how this problem is dealt with. In this article we follow precisely the question of how the problem is dealt with in EU policy-making processes. Two forms of political spaces, an advisory group working ‘behind closed doors’ and the European Parliament, are compared. A socio-linguistic analysis of texts produced in the respective bodies reveals the many tensions in the development of supranational employment policies. Particular emphasis is placed on the rhetoric of globalization and competitiveness as being constitutive of the neo-liberal discourse.


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