The "Islamic Military Alliance": Between Combating Terrorism And Maintaining Saudi Security (2015 - 2017)

2019 ◽  
pp. 299
Author(s):  
خير سالم ذيابات
Keyword(s):  
2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-254
Author(s):  
Andreu Espasa

De forma un tanto paradójica, a finales de los años treinta, las relaciones entre México y Estados Unidos sufrieron uno de los momentos de máxima tensión, para pasar, a continuación, a experimentar una notable mejoría, alcanzando el cénit en la alianza política y militar sellada durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial. El episodio catalizador de la tensión y posterior reconciliación fue, sin duda, el conflicto diplomático planteado tras la nacionalización petrolera de 1938. De entre los factores que propiciaron la solución pacífica y negociada al conflicto petrolero, el presente artículo se centra en analizar dos fenómenos del momento. En primer lugar, siguiendo un orden de relevancia, se examina el papel que tuvo la Guerra Civil Española. Aunque las posturas de ambos gobiernos ante el conflicto español fueron sustancialmente distintas, las interpretaciones y las lecciones sobre sus posibles consecuencias permitieron un mayor entendimiento entre los dos países vecinos. En segundo lugar, también se analizarán las afinidades ideológicas entre el New Deal y el cardenismo en el contexto de la crisis mundial económica y política de los años treinta, con el fin de entender su papel lubricante en las relaciones bilaterales de la época. Somewhat paradoxically, at the end of the 1930s, the relationship between Mexico and the United States experienced one of its tensest moments, after which it dramatically improved, reaching its zenith in the political and military alliance cemented during World War II. The catalyst for this tension and subsequent reconciliation was, without doubt, the diplomatic conflict that arose after the oil nationalization of 1938. Of the various factors that led to a peaceful negotiated solution to the oil conflict, this article focuses on analyzing two phenomena. Firstly—in order of importance—this article examines the role that the Spanish Civil War played. Although the positions of both governments in relation to the Spanish war were significantly different, the interpretations and lessons concerning potential consequences enabled a greater understanding between the two neighboring countries. Secondly, this article also analyzes the ideological affinities between the New Deal and Cardenismo in the context of the global economic and political crisis of the thirties, seeking to understand their role in facilitating bilateral relations during that period.


2006 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 383-397 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aasim Sajjad Akhtar ◽  
Asha Amirali ◽  
Muhammad Ali Raza
Keyword(s):  

Acta Comitas ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 475
Author(s):  
I Made Hengki Permadi

The process or procedure for establishing a firm is regulated in Article 22 and Article 23 of the Commercial Law Code (hereinafter referred to as KUHD). In this provision, it is stipulated that the firm must be established with an authentic deed and registered with the Registrar of the District Court where the firm was established. The regulations in the KUHD are not in line with the Minister of Law and Human Rights Regulation Number 17 Year 2018 regarding the Registration of the Military Alliance, the Fima Alliance and the Civil Alliance which indicates that the registration of the firm is carried out in the Legal Entity Administration System (hereinafter referred to as SABU). it appears that there is a norm conflict between the two rules. This study aims to determine the arrangements in registering the Firm and the legal consequences of not registering the Firm in the Business Entity Administration System (SABU). This research is a normative legal research. In research using a statutory and conceptual approach. Using primary and secondary legal materials. The results showed that based on the principle of Lex Superiori derogate Legi Inferiori, based on the hierarchy of statutory regulations, the KUHD which is equivalent to the Law is stronger than the Regulation of the Minister of Law and Human Rights Number 17 of 2018 concerning Registration of Komanditer Alliance, Firm Alliance and Civil Alliance whose position is under Government Regulations and Presidential Regulations, because the Acts are higher than Government Regulations and Presidential Regulations. The legal consequence of not registering a firm with SABU is that the name of the firm can be used first by other firms so it must change the name of the firm concerned with another name because in the SABU system there is a registration of the firm's alliance name. If there is a partnership with another firm that registers the name of the firm first, then the name of the same firm cannot be registered again and the firm is deemed invalid. Proses atau tata cara pendirian firma diatur dalam Pasal 22 dan Pasal 23 Kitab Undang-Undang Hukum Dagang (yang selanjutnya disebut KUHD). Dalam ketentuan tersebuti menentukan bahwa firma harus didirikan dengan akta otentik dan didaftarkan pada Kepaniteraan Pengadilan Negeri dimana firma tersebut didirikan. Peraturan dalam KUHD tersebut tidak sejalan dengan Peraturan Menteri Hukum dan Hak Asasi Manusia Nomor 17 Tahun 2018 tentang Pendaftaran Persekutuan Komanditer, Persekutuan Fima dan Persekutuan Perdata yang mengisyaratkan bahwa pendaftaran firma dilakukan pada Sistem Administrasi Badan Hukum (yang selanjutnya disebut SABU). terlihat bahwa adanya konflik norma diantara kedua aturan itu. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui   pengaturan dalam pendaftaran Firma  dan akibat hukum apabila tidak mendaftarkan Firma pada Sistem Administrasi Badan Usaha (SABU). Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian hukum normatif. Dalam penelitian menggunakan pendekatan perundang-undangan dan konseptual. Menggunakan bahan hukum primer dan sekunder.   Hasil penelitian  menunjukkan  bahwa  berdasarkan asas Lex Superiori derogate Legi Inferiori maka berdasarkan hirarki peraturan perundang-undangan, KUHD yang setara dengan Undang-Undang lebih kuat dibanding Peraturan Menteri Hukum dan Hak Asasi Manusia Nomor 17 Tahun 2018 tentang Pendaftaran Persekutuan Komanditer, Persekutuan Firma dan Persekutuan Perdata yang kedudukannya dibawah Peraturan Pemerintah dan Peraturan Presiden, karena Undang-Undang kedudukannya lebih tinggi dari Peraturan Pemerintah dan Peraturan Presiden. Akibat hukum dari tidak didaftarkannya firma pada SABU, yaitu nama firma dapat dipakai terlebih dahulu oleh firma lainnya sehingga harus mengganti nama firma yang bersangkutan dengan nama yang lain karena di dalam sistem SABU terdapat pendaftaran nama persekutuan firma. Jika ada persekutuan firma lain yang mendaftarkan nama firmanya terlebih dahulu maka nama firma yang sama tidak akan bisa didaftarkan kembali dan firma tersebut dianggap tidak sah pendiriannya.


Author(s):  
Виктор Анатольевич Кардашов

Целью статьи является рассмотрение общей тенденции отношений двух стран в контексте противостояния Китая давлению Запада. Используются методы общенаучной группы (анализ, синтез, дедукция, индукция); а также специальные методы: контентанализ научной литературы; фактографический анализ, метод ретроспективного анализа. Автор приходит к выводу, что китайская военная философия реализуется в стратегии «мягкой силы» Китая. В отношениях с Россией Китай не делает исключения из общих философских принципов взаимодействия с западной цивилизацией. Принципы военной философии Китая противоречат прогнозам о возможности военного союза с Россией. Теоретическая значимость исследования заключается в том, что отношения между Россией и Китаем рассматриваются с позиции основных принципов военной философии КНР. Aim. The aim is the considering of the general trend in relations between the two countries in the context of China’s opposition to Western pressure. Methodology. General scientific group methods (analysis, synthesis, deduction, induction); as well as special methods: content analysis of scientific literature; factual analysis, retrospective analysis method. Results. Chinese military philosophy is implemented in China’s «soft power» strategy. In relations with Russia, China makes no exceptions from the general philosophical principles of interaction with Western civilization. The principles of China’s military philosophy contradict forecasts of the possibility of a military alliance with Russia. The theoretical significance of the study lies in the fact that relations between Russia and China are viewed from the standpoint of the basic principles of the military philosophy of the PRC.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. e1601895 ◽  
Author(s):  
Weihua Li ◽  
Aisha E. Bradshaw ◽  
Caitlin B. Clary ◽  
Skyler J. Cranmer

1951 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 619-620

On May 14, 1951 meetings were held of the Council and Political Committee of the Arab League in Damascus. Press reports indicated that the meeting of the Political Committee concerned the question of whether or not the Arab states should put into effect a real military alliance. On the same day the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Egyptian Chamber of Deputies had discussed the ratification of the Arab collective security pact. Egypt had been the originator of the pact which although initialled by six of the seven Arab nations had only been ratified by Saudi-Arabia. The press deduced from these reports that Syria wanted to know where it stood in case the Israeli-Syrian conflict became more serious. Iraq had already offered any support Syria asked for and sent some military detachments and an anti-aircraft unit through Syrian territory to the Israeli border. The Acting Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Israel (Sharett), however, in an address to the Knesset Parliament in Jerusalem, warned the Political Committee that Israel was firmly resolved to defend every inch of her territory against encroachment or domination by Syria.


Author(s):  
Carlos Pérez Pineda

The 1969 conflict between Honduras and El Salvador signaled the weakening of the Central American economic integration process; marked an end to an era of economic growth, industrialization, and political openness; and inaugurated a new chapter, characterized by growing political polarization and violence. There is a prevailing consensus about the significance that this conflict had as a breaking point and historical turnaround. The roots of the crisis between both states, commercial partners and members of a regional political-military alliance, lie in the drastic changes introduced by the Honduran government in its migratory and agrarian policies. These changes sought to contain the massive migration from El Salvador and to reduce by all means necessary, including by violent dispossession, the Salvadoran presence in Honduras. A ferocious anti-Salvadoran media campaign preceded and accompanied the massive expulsion of Salvadorans. Alarmed by the destabilizing effect that a return en masse of poor Salvadoran peasants could bring to the country, and facing an intransigent Honduran government, the leadership in El Salvador decided to resolve the conflict through war. Once this began, both countries mobilized their military forces for over one hundred hours of bloody fighting in July 1969. Although neither country won a decisive victory on the battlefield, at the moment the ceasefire was imposed the military situation amply favored El Salvador. The political, economic, military, and diplomatic consequences of the war had a profound impact during the 1970s and beyond the signing of the peace agreement early in the 1980s. On the one hand, the recounting of the war, full of falsifications and half-truths, continues to play an important role in Honduran nationalism. On the other hand, for Salvadorans the war is an almost forgotten memory.


2020 ◽  
pp. 176-220
Author(s):  
Steve Tibble

This chapter talks about a young Frankish lord called Hugh of Caesarea who led a group of knights through the labyrinthine passages of the caliphal palace in Cairo in 1167. It describes Hugh's simple but brutal mission, in which he was tasked to negotiate a military alliance with the Fatimid government and extort a vast sum of protection money from them in the process. The chapter discusses the crusaders' loss of Edessa in 1144 and failure to take Damascus in 1148, which showed that the Egyptian strategy was an inevitable consequence of the crusaders' failure to establish themselves inland. It explains the critical shortage of land within the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem. It also points out the significance of Egypt to Franks and establishment of a central policy objective that constituted an “institutional” strategic view for the bureaucracy of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem.


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