scholarly journals W kierunku instytucjonalnej teorii kryzysu

2019 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 17-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomasz Grzegorz Grosse
Keyword(s):  
Political Science ◽  
Crisis Management ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
Asian Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Eurozone Crisis

This paper aims to compare the approach of political science and that of the economy to the phenomenon of crisis. The author focuses on the analysis on the following issues: (1) the developmental challenge; (2) the structural challenge; (3) crisis management; and (4) the political legitimacy of anti-crisis measures. The major case studies analysed in the paper include the Eurozone crisis and the Asian crisis between 1997 and 1998.

scholarly journals Citizens’ Expectations for Crisis Management and the Involvement of Civil Society Organisations in China

2021 ◽  
pp. 186810262110520
Author(s):  
Reza Hasmath ◽  
Timothy Hildebrandt ◽  
Jessica C. Teets ◽  
Jennifer Y. J. Hsu ◽  
Carolyn L. Hsu
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Crisis Management ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Civic Participation ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Civil Society Organisations ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Management Function ◽  
The Government

Chinese citizens are relatively happy with the state's management of national disasters and emergencies. However, they are increasingly concluding that the state alone cannot manage them. Leveraging the 2018 and 2020 Civic Participation in China Surveys, we find that more educated citizens conclude that the government has a leading role in crisis management, but there is ample room for civil society organisations (CSOs) to act in a complementary fashion. On a slightly diverging path, volunteers who have meaningfully interacted with CSOs are more skeptical than non-volunteers about CSOs’ organisational ability to fulfill this crisis management function. These findings imply that the political legitimacy of the Communist Party of China is not challenged by allowing CSOs a greater role in crisis management.

scholarly journals Morality in the Service of Mercantilism: Ordoliberalism, the German National Interest and European Economic Governance in the Eurozone Crisis and Beyond

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriel Goodliffe
Keyword(s):  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Governance ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Eurozone Crisis ◽  
Comparative Political Economy ◽  
European Monetary ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
The Eu

<p>Numerous studies attribute the Eurozone crisis and the failure to resolve it to German elites’ and voters’ fealty to Ordoliberalism. This interpretation is shared by the otherwise antagonistic historical institutionalist and ideational schools of comparative political economy, which both hold that it was German policy institutions’ or leaders’ ordoliberal principles that brought them to blame the crisis in the Eurozone’s periphery on fiscal profligacy and to intervene “too little, too late” for fear of violating Ordoliberalism’s central liability principle. This article posits that this ordoliberal interpretive and prescriptive framework is inadequate to explain Germany’s response to the Eurozone crisis. Deploying a neoclassical realist framework, the article argues that Ordoliberalism was pursued as a strategic idea when it was consistent with core German economic and political interests, notably the preservation of the country’s export-led growth model and leadership of the European Union (EU), as well as the principal institutions, such as the Single Market and European Monetary Union (EMU), advancing these interests. Conversely, when a strict application of its principles ran counter to the latter, German decisionmakers demurred from pursuing Ordoliberalism. The article considers the political implications of Germany’s selective pursuit of Ordoliberalism for the EU. It concludes that this strategy may be undermining the functional basis and political legitimacy of German hegemonic governance in Europe.</p>

Political Legitimacy in Israel: How Important Is the State?

1979 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-224
Author(s):  
Donna Robinson Divine
Keyword(s):  
Political Science ◽  
Political Behavior ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Modern Analysis ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Associations ◽  
Primary Unit

Without knowing its exact dimensions, political scientists have taken government to be the primary unit for the study of political behavior. No matter how far modern analysis appears to be from the formalism embodied in mere descriptions of government, political science still assumes that the institutions of government form the major system within which political activity is embedded.1 Government is understood not simply as the organization ordering political activity, but also as the foundation of the moral community within which people live. Government not only symbolizes but also defines appropriate political behavior, proper political associations, and, of course, legality and illegality. Government is thought to define right by virtue of its possession of legitimacy, a power that holds people together through their adherence to a public morality supposedly articulated and certified through the government.2 Political scientists attribute legitimacy to governments when it appears that the community over which such governments rule is cohesive. The legitimacy of government is understood as an isomorphism of the coherence of the political community.

scholarly journals Morality in the Service of Mercantilism: Ordoliberalism, the German National Interest and European Economic Governance in the Eurozone Crisis and Beyond

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriel Goodliffe
Keyword(s):  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Governance ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Eurozone Crisis ◽  
Comparative Political Economy ◽  
European Monetary ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
The Eu

<p>Numerous studies attribute the Eurozone crisis and the failure to resolve it to German elites’ and voters’ fealty to Ordoliberalism. This interpretation is shared by the otherwise antagonistic historical institutionalist and ideational schools of comparative political economy, which both hold that it was German policy institutions’ or leaders’ ordoliberal principles that brought them to blame the crisis in the Eurozone’s periphery on fiscal profligacy and to intervene “too little, too late” for fear of violating Ordoliberalism’s central liability principle. This article posits that this ordoliberal interpretive and prescriptive framework is inadequate to explain Germany’s response to the Eurozone crisis. Deploying a neoclassical realist framework, the article argues that Ordoliberalism was pursued as a strategic idea when it was consistent with core German economic and political interests, notably the preservation of the country’s export-led growth model and leadership of the European Union (EU), as well as the principal institutions, such as the Single Market and European Monetary Union (EMU), advancing these interests. Conversely, when a strict application of its principles ran counter to the latter, German decisionmakers demurred from pursuing Ordoliberalism. The article considers the political implications of Germany’s selective pursuit of Ordoliberalism for the EU. It concludes that this strategy may be undermining the functional basis and political legitimacy of German hegemonic governance in Europe.</p>

Disaffected Parties, 1688–1832

2019 ◽  
pp. 44-87
Author(s):  
John Owen Havard
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Jonathan Swift ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Detailed Case

This first chapter provides an overview of some of the changing guises taken by disaffected political attitudes between the 1688 Revolution and the onset of liberal governance in the early nineteenth century, examining how these took shape across a range of genres, including Nahum Tate’s poetry, the writings of Jonathan Swift, a 1770 visual print, and the early nineteenth-century periodical Egeria. The chapter attends to historical flashpoints including the fall of Robert Walpole and the movement around John Wilkes (by way of attention to the ‘parties’ assembled around a 1770 theatrical controversy) and concludes with attention to the ‘political science’ and reimagined sympathies that accompanied the transition into nineteenth-century liberalism. The chapter thus provides broad frameworks in which to locate the detailed case studies that follow and introduces this book’s expanded approach to the ‘parties’ of political activity.

Two Faces of Power

1962 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 947-952 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Bachrach ◽  
Morton S. Baratz
Keyword(s):  
Political Science ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Research Methodology ◽  
The Political ◽  
Central Thesis ◽  
Community Power

The concept of power remains elusive despite the recent and prolific outpourings of case studies on community power. Its elusiveness is dramatically demonstrated by the regularity of disagreement as to the locus of community power between the sociologists and the political scientists. Sociologically oriented researchers have consistently found that power is highly centralized, while scholars trained in political science have just as regularly concluded that in “their” communities power is widely diffused. Presumably, this explains why the latter group styles itself “pluralist,” its counterpart “elitist.”There seems no room for doubt that the sharply divergent findings of the two groups are the product, not of sheer coincidence, but of fundamental differences in both their underlying assumptions and research methodology. The political scientists have contended that these differences in findings can be explained by the faulty approach and presuppositions of the sociologists. We contend in this paper that the pluralists themselves have not grasped the whole truth of the matter; that while their criticisms of the elitists are sound, they, like the elitists, utilize an approach and assumptions which predetermine their conclusions. Our argument is cast within the frame of our central thesis: that there are two faces of power, neither of which the sociologists see and only one of which the political scientists see.

The Political Legitimacy of National Peace Committees

2012 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 40-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andries Odendaal
Keyword(s):  
Case Studies ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Role Clarity ◽  
Multi Level ◽  
Multi Stakeholder ◽  
Peace Committee

A national peace committee is a multi-stakeholder body mandated to implement key peacebuilding objectives, and coordinate a multi-level network of peace committees called an infrastructure for peace. Based on 10 case studies, the article explores the importance of political legitimacy for the success of NPCs and analyses, in particular, the contribution of their mandate, role clarity, composition and competence.

Having Their Say, Leaving Their Mark

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-153
Author(s):  
Adolphus G. Belk ◽  
Robert C. Smith ◽  
Sherri L. Wallace
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civic Engagement ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Black People ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical Documents ◽  
Adverse Conditions ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Independent Organization

In general, the founders of the National Conference of Black Political Scientists were “movement people.” Powerful agents of socialization such as the uprisings of the 1960s molded them into scholars with tremendous resolve to tackle systemic inequalities in the political science discipline. In forming NCOBPS as an independent organization, many sought to develop a Black perspective in political science to push the boundaries of knowledge and to use that scholarship to ameliorate the adverse conditions confronting Black people in the United States and around the globe. This paper utilizes historical documents, speeches, interviews, and other scholarly works to detail the lasting contributions of the founders and Black political scientists to the discipline, paying particular attention to their scholarship, teaching, mentoring, and civic engagement. It finds that while political science is much improved as a result of their efforts, there is still work to do if their goals are to be achieved.

Reconsideration of the Research Trajectory on the Carceral State

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 192-207
Author(s):  
Juliette Barbera
Keyword(s):  
Political Science ◽  
Political Development ◽  
American Political Development ◽  
The Political ◽  
Carceral State ◽  
Research Framework ◽  
Research Production ◽  
Fields Of Study ◽  
Theoretical Perspectives ◽  
And Control

For decades, both incarceration and research on the topic have proliferated. Disciplines within the Western sciences have studied the topic of incarceration through their respective lenses. Decades of data reflect trends and consequences of the carceral state, and based on that data the various disciplines have put forth arguments as to how the trends and consequences are of relevance to their respective fields of study. The research trajectory of incarceration research, however, overlooks the assumptions behind punishment and control and their institutionalization that produce and maintain the carceral state and its study. This omission of assumptions facilitates a focus on outcomes that serve to reinforce Western perspectives, and it contributes to the overall stagnation in the incarceration research produced in Western disciplines. An assessment of the study of the carceral state within the mainstream of American Political Development in the political science discipline provides an example of how the research framework contributes to the overall stagnation, even though the framework of the subfield allows for an historical institutionalization perspective. The theoretical perspectives of Cedric J. Robinson reveal the limits of Western lenses to critically assess the state. The alternative framework he provides to challenge the limits imposed on research production by Western perspectives applies to the argument presented here concerning the limitations that hamper the study of the carceral state.

The New Terrain of International Law

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen J. Alter
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
The Political ◽  
International Courts ◽  
Constitutional Review ◽  
Delegation Of Authority ◽  
The World ◽  
The Law

In 1989, when the Cold War ended, there were six permanent international courts. Today there are more than two dozen that have collectively issued over thirty-seven thousand binding legal rulings. This book charts the developments and trends in the creation and role of international courts, and explains how the delegation of authority to international judicial institutions influences global and domestic politics. The book presents an in-depth look at the scope and powers of international courts operating around the world. Focusing on dispute resolution, enforcement, administrative review, and constitutional review, the book argues that international courts alter politics by providing legal, symbolic, and leverage resources that shift the political balance in favor of domestic and international actors who prefer policies more consistent with international law objectives. International courts name violations of the law and perhaps specify remedies. The book explains how this limited power—the power to speak the law—translates into political influence, and it considers eighteen case studies, showing how international courts change state behavior. The case studies, spanning issue areas and regions of the world, collectively elucidate the political factors that often intervene to limit whether or not international courts are invoked and whether international judges dare to demand significant changes in state practices.

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