scholarly journals Małe państwo a kryzys

2021 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-219
Author(s):  
Wojciech Łysek

This article is dedicated to the attitudes of the Baltic States towards the protests in Belarus in August 2020. The analysis uses the category of a small state. It seems to best characterise the role of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia in international relations. The first part of this article describes the relations of these three countries with Belarus before 2020. Then, the emphasis is put on the instruments and strategies which have been used by the Baltic States towards Belarus since the presidential elections in August 2020. The article discusses the role of a regional, expert, hidden subjectivity using multilateral formats, good services, entrepreneurial and silent diplomacy. In his considerations, the author presents the reactions of the authorities and societies. The article is based on state documents, analyses, politicians’ speeches, press materials and literature on the subject.

Author(s):  
A. A. Valodzkin

The foundations of many future policy directions, either domestic or foreign, were laid during the period, when Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia struggled for restoration of their national independence. As the factors that had the greatest impact on the formation of these states’ main foreign policy priorities, the article analyzes, firstly, the structure of movements for their national independence (on the basis of which the political elites of the Baltic states were formed), and, secondly, the role of external influence in the formation of their ideology of foreign policy. The author traces the transformation of the main political powers that formed the national independence movements of the three republics into system political parties of the Baltic states, reveals the gradual consolidation of the leadership of right­wing political forces in the field of national ideology and foreign policy, as well as the special activity of the diaspora in establishing international relations of the independence movements of Lithuanian, Latvia and Estonia and in the formation of ideas and concepts that determined the main goals of future foreign policy of the three states. In addition, the article highlights the stages of the independence movements’ of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia international relations development in 1989–1991.


Author(s):  
Ali Hussein Hameed ◽  
Saif Hayder AL.Husainy

In the anarchism that governs the nature and patterns of international relations characterized by instability and uncertainty in light of several changes, as well as the information revolution and the resulting developments and qualitative breakthroughs in the field of scientific and advanced technological knowledge and modern technologies.  All of these variables pushed toward the information flow and flow tremendously, so rationality became an indispensable matter for the decision maker as he faces these developments and changes. There must be awareness and rationality in any activity or behavior because it includes choosing the best alternative and making the right decision and selecting the information accurately and mental processing Through a mental system based on objectivity, methodology, and accumulated experience away from idealism and imagination, where irrationality and anarchy are a reflection of the fragility of the decision-maker, his lack of awareness of the subject matter, his irresponsibility, and recklessness that inevitably leads to failure by wasting time and Effort and potential. The topic acquires its importance from a search in the strategies of the frivolous state and its characteristics with the ability to influence the regional, and what it revealed is a turning point in how to adapt from the variables and employ them to their advantage and try to prove their existence. Thus, the problem comes in the form of a question about the possibility of the frivolous state in light of the context of various regional and international events and trends. The answer to this question stems from the main hypothesis that (the aim which the frustrating state seeks to prove is that it finds itself compelled to choose several strategies that start from the nature of its characteristics and the goals that aim at it, which are centered in the circle of its interests in the field of its struggle for the sake of its survival and area of influence).


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (1/2020) ◽  
pp. 33-67
Author(s):  
Olga Stevanovic

The subject of this paper encompasses US policy towards Poland and the Baltic States regarding energy security during Donald Trump’s presidency. It is discernible that vast domestic energy resources have created an opportunity for the US to project more power to these countries, and the surrounding region. We argue that Trump and his administration’s perceptions have served as an intervening variable in that opportunity assessment, in accordance with the neoclassical realist theory. The main research question addressed in this paper is whether US has used that opportunity to contribute to energy security in countries it has traditionally deemed as allies. Two aspects of US approach to energy security of the designated countries are taken into consideration: liquified natural gas exports and support for the Three Seas Initiative. The way Trump presented his policy and its results in his public statements has also been considered in this paper. The article will proceed as follows. The first subsection of the paper represents a summary of energy security challenges in Poland and the Baltic States. The second subsection is dedicated to the opportunity for the US to project energy power and to Trump’s perceptions relevant for the opportunity assessment. The third subsection deals with American LNG exports to these countries as a possible way for contributing to energy security in Poland and the Baltic States. The last part of the paper addresses the Three Seas Initiative and US approach to this platform.


2021 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-80
Author(s):  
Wolfgang S. Heinz

Abstract: This article approaches the matter of institutional reform of the United Nations Human Rights Council from an international relations perspective. A well-known tension exists between State representatives acting for their governments in international organisations, but whose decisions are presented as UN policies. The latter should be guided primarily by the UN Charter and public international law. However, in reality, different worldviews and foreign policy considerations play a more significant role. In a comprehensive stock-take, the article looks at four major dimensions of the Council, starting with structure and dynamics and major trends, followed by its country and thematic activities, and the role of key actors. Council reform proposals from both States and civil society are explored. Whilst the intergovernmental body remains the most important authority responsible for the protection of human rights in the international sphere, it has also been the subject of considerable criticism. Although it has made considerable progress towards enlarging its coverage and taking on more challenging human rights crises, among some of its major weaknesses are the election of human rights-unfriendly countries into its ranks, the failure to apply stronger sanctions on large, politically influential countries in the South and North, and lack of influence on human rights crises and chronic human rights problems in certain countries. Whilst various reform proposals have emerged from States and NGOs, other more far reaching propositions are under sometimes difficult negotiations. In the mid- to long-term, the UN human rights machinery can only have a stronger and more lasting impact if support from national/local actors and coalitions in politics and society can be strengthened.


2015 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 191-209 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joana Castro Pereira

Is it possible to talk about the rise of a new global (dis)order founded on the challenges posed by environmental issues? Through the review of the state of the art on the subject, this article analyzes the growing importance of the environment, and natural resources in particular, in international relations; and aims to raise awareness among International Relations scholars to the potential positive impact of the development of the discipline in integration with global environmental change studies.


2006 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 413-431 ◽  
Author(s):  
Douglas M. Gibler ◽  
Jamil A. Sewell

This article examines the role of NATO in aiding democratic transitions and survival in the former Soviet republics. The authors argue that the level of external threat is a determining factor in centralization, militarization, and ultimately regime type. States tend to be democratic or are likely to make the transition toward democracy when threat levels are low, while autocracies are more likely to be found in states targeted by higher levels of threat. Building on recent findings examining the link between democracies and alliance, the authors demonstrate that NATO has been an effective guarantor of territorial sovereignty and independence in the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Moldova, reducing the level of threat experienced by each state, thus assuring the survival of decentralized and democratic governments. Former Soviet republics targeted by high levels of threat have reverted to or maintained centralized, autocratic forms of government.


2021 ◽  
pp. 67
Author(s):  
Pavel Vorobyev

The article is devoted to the peculiarities of holding Russian elections in neighboring countries. Using the example of the Russian presidential elections in 2018 in Belarus, Moldova and the Baltic states, the results of voting, the peculiarities of the organization of the expression of will and the final turnout are analyzed. Based on quantitative and qualitative data, as well as comparative analysis, measures are proposed to improve the process of foreign voting in Russian elections.


2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (Suppl 2) ◽  
pp. A30.1-A30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dago Antov ◽  
Juris Smirnovs
Keyword(s):  

2012 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 189-206 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mejra Festić

The article tests if foreign banks have lowered their market share in the Baltic States, Romania and Bulgaria during the recent financial crisis after 2007, due to the perception of risk exposure in local markets. It has been proved that, the credit supply by foreign banks in the Baltic States, Romania and Bulgaria has remained relatively stable during the latest crisis by TSLS method. Foreign ownership generally utilizes derivative products more than domestic banks in the NMSs because they have more expertise in hedging and can diversify risks effectively with their larger parent banks in their home country. The reaction of foreign banks abroad depends on the capital adequacy of the parent bank and the business opportunities in the host economies. Santrauka Straipsnyje analizuojamas užsienio bankų vaidmuo penkiose Europos Sąjungai priklausančiose valstybėse – Baltijos šalyse, Rumunijoje ir Bulgarijoje. Autorius tyrimui pasirinko užsienio bankų užimamos rinkos dalies vertinimą ir ekonomikos krizės poveikio nustatymą šių bankų veiklos rodikliams bei rinkos daliai. Gauti rezultatai parodė, kad kreditų pasiūla, teikiama užsienio bankų Baltijos šalyse, Rumunijoje ir Bulgarijoje, išliko palyginti stabili. Tai galima susieti su tuo, kad užsienio bankai taiko ir naudoja išvestinius produktus, motyvuodami tuo, jog turi daugiau patirties ir gali diversifikuoti riziką, efektyviai naudodami juos remiančių savos šalies („motininių“) bankų finansinius išteklius. Tyrimas taip pat parodė, kad užsienio bankų reakcija į rinkos pasikeitimus vienoje ar kitoje valstybėje tiesiogiai priklauso nuo „motininio“ banko kapitalo pakankamumo ir ekonominių verslo sąlygų toje šalyje.


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