scholarly journals The Contextual Linkages between Recorded Mizo History and Literature: A Critical Analysis

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-89
Author(s):  
Ruatdiki Hmar ◽  
Vanlaltana Khiangte

There was a time when history and literature were regarded as a single field of study in the Mizo society. Mizo history showcased past events based on the actual occurrence of events while Mizo literature highlighted the culture, societal set up and lifestyles of the Mizo people. Mizo literature may not be regarded as a fully reliable source for undertaking a comprehensive, detailed analysis of Mizo history but is still able to offer an extensive insight due to the inclusion of the prevailing societal set up and lifestyle; the incorporation of characters created in accordance with those that may have existed in that particular mode of history; the emphasis on the political system and the turmoil that may have plagued the Mizo society at a particular phase in history. Mizo literature is richly laded with the political, economic and social realities that existed at different phases of Mizo history. This paper aims to partake on a critical analysis of the commonalities or the differences that may be located between the recorded history and the literature created or made available during that same historical period through selected Mizo literature that have time and again been regarded as reflective of Mizo history.

2014 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 177-185
Author(s):  
Alexander Malko ◽  
Margarita Kostenko

The legal technique was initially developed as a kind of “interpreter” for the legislative will in the legal language using a specific ingenuity of legal engineering. Historically, the theoretical base of the legal technique was formed on a phased basis, essentially stimulated by state reforms, social transformations, and active legislation systematization. It should be mentioned here that legal technique is a distinctive category reflecting the political, economic, and legal situation in the historical period of a certain state development, but being extra-national in itself.The resource harmonization of the legal technique within the European legal framework means norm-setting regulations, coordination, and elaboration of common recommendations for the European countries. The cooperation in the legal technique standards harmonization will require the all-European cooperation to the new level as far as legal standards, human rights, democratic development, legitimacy and cultural cooperation are concerned.


Author(s):  
Vladimir Valentinovich Kozhevnikov

This scientific article is devoted to some theoretical problems of the theory of the political system of society. The purpose of the article is to show the true, objective position in relation to the subjects of the political system. To solve this goal, the following tasks were set: a critical analysis of the opinions of those authors who consider as such: 1) criminal communities; 2) public organizations with an insignificant political aspect. Moreover, both in the first and in the second case, it has been proven that scientists are engaged in the substitution of concepts, that is, they commit a logical error. Result: 1) criminal associations are not subjects of the political system of society; 2) according to the political criterion, it is necessary to distinguish only proper political and not proper political organizations; 3) general theoretical provisions, opposite to those stated, differing in illogicality, do not contribute to improving the quality of educational literature on the theory of state and law.


1970 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-13
Author(s):  
Andrzej Zoll

The changes brought about in Poland and elsewhere in Europe by the fall of Communism have given rise to hopes for the establishment of a political system differing from the one which had been the fate of these countries. In place of totalitarianism, a new political system is to be created based on the democratic principles of a state under the rule of law. The transformation from totalitarianism to democracy is a process which has not yet been completed in Poland and still requires many efforts to be made before this goal may be achieved. One may also enumerate various pitfalls jeopardising this process even now. The dangers cannot be avoided if their sources and nature are not identified. Attempts to pervert the law and the political system may only be counteracted by legal means if the system based on the abuse of the law has not yet succeeded in establishing itself. Resistance by means of the law only has any real chance of success provided it is directed against attempts to set up a totalitarian system. Once the powers which are hostile to the state bound by the rule of law take over the institutions of the state, such resistance is doomed to failure.


2020 ◽  
pp. 0308518X2094852
Author(s):  
Miles Kenney-Lazar ◽  
SiuSue Mark

Since the mid- to late- 1980s, Laos and Myanmar (Burma) have gradually and unevenly opened their economies to capitalist relations of accumulation. Both countries have done so by granting state land concessions to private capital for resource extraction and land commodification projects, particularly since the early 2000s. Yet, resource capitalism has manifested in distinct ways in both places due to the ways in which capital has interacted with unique pre-capitalist political-economic and social relations as well as the diverse political reactions of Lao and Myanmar people to capitalist transformations. In this paper, we analyze such differences through a conceptualization of ‘variegated transitions’, an extension of the variegated capitalism framework, which investigates the political economic transitions towards capitalism in marginalized, resource extractive countries of the Global South. In Myanmar, the transition from military to democratic rule has been marked by protests and land occupations combined with center-periphery fragmentation and ongoing civil wars, all of which have led to a heavily contested process of land concession granting. In contrast, a stable, comparatively centralized political system in Laos that restrains popular protest has enabled an expanding regime of land concessions for resource extraction projects, albeit hemmed in at the edges by sporadic, localized forms of resistance and appeals to the state.


Percurso ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (28) ◽  
pp. 341
Author(s):  
Fabiana CARICAT ◽  
Clayton REIS

RESUMO O presente trabalho faz uma análise sobre as condutas éticas e a responsabilidade civil do advogado, caracterizada como sendo subjetiva, contratual e sua obrigação de meio. Analisando a responsabilidade pré-contratual, contratual e pós-contratual do advogado, consoante a normativa civil e o Código de Ética e Disciplina da Ordem dos Advogados do Brasil é possível identificar o que se espera do profissional, no exercício desta atividade indispensável à Justiça, ao Direito e a sociedade, como também identificará várias condutas do advogado que pode fazer nascer a obrigação de reparar o dano causado. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Advogado; Contrato; Ética; Responsabilidade; Dano. ABSTRACT The present work analyzes the Theory of Separation of Powers and the System of Brakes and Counterweights, as a way of preserving the autonomy and independence of each of the powers and allowing mutual control and control, avoiding mismanagement and abuse. This classic theory, structured by the Baron de Montesquieu, has now been severely mitigated by the strengthening of the judiciary over the others, called to analyze causes of the most varied themes, alleging inefficiency of the legislature and executive and the need to rights and guarantees. In addition, it was found that, instead of the Judiciary, it endeavored to combat the crisis of parliamentary representation and disenchantment with the political system set up, bearing in mind the conception of harmony and independence between the three powers, which in fact occurred was the supremacy of the Judiciary over the other powers. KEYWORDS: Lawyer; Contract; Ethics; Responsibility; Harm.


2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 488
Author(s):  
Herlambang Perdana Wiratraman

AbstractThe politics of decentralization after Suharto provided more space in the discourse of adat justice in Indonesia. The problem is that the legal political process does not stand in empty space. Adat justice issues in the political system that regulates political-economic authority, which is supported by the character of the persistence of a network of oligarchs, massive destruction of destructive natural resources, and corrupt and feudalistic bureaucracies. This article encourages local democracy that fosters broad community participation, including encouraging the work of adat justice, has paralyzed the empowerment of the judiciary itself, so that the legal politics of adat justice openly triggers a symbol of certain feudalism protection.IntisariKonteks politik desentralisasi pasca Suharto memberi ruang lebih dalam diskursus peradilan adat di Indonesia. Masalahnya, proses politik hukum itu tak berdiri di ruang kosong. Peradilan adat berinteraksi dalam sistem politik yang menampilkan kuasa ekonomi-politik, yang dipenuhi dengan karakter bertahannya jaringan oligarki, eksploitasi sumberdaya alam yang masif nan merusak, serta birokrasi yang korup dan feodalistik. Artikel ini memperlihatkan demokratisasi lokal yang menumbuhkan partisipasi masyarakat secara luas, termasuk mendorong bekerjanya mekanisme peradilan adat, telah melumpuhkan keberdayaan peradilan itu sendiri, sehingga politik hukum peradilan adat, secara bertahap melahirkan simbolisasi kuasa feodalisme tertentu.


2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (6) ◽  
pp. 23-26
Author(s):  
Мельникова ◽  
Raisa Melnikova

The article discusses issues related to referring of local government to the institutions of civil society and its role and place in modern political system of Russia in the context of the study of the principle of democracy at the municipal level. The author proves that in the context of political modernization, the local government and its reform should be viewed not only as economic and technological transformations in the local municipal areas of the state, but as an actor of political reforms, set up in modern political processes.


2012 ◽  
Vol 03 (02) ◽  
pp. 1250010 ◽  
Author(s):  
CHRISTIAN FAHRHOLZ ◽  
CEZARY WÓJCIK

The Greek bail-out was highly controversial. An oft-heard assessment is that (i) the bail-out was a mistake, (ii) the political haggling over it was irrational. Contrary to this view, our analysis suggests that, given EMU's present political-economic set-up, (i) the bail-out was unavoidable and (ii) the lengthy process of political haggling leading to it was understandable. We have based our analysis on a political-economic, game-theoretic model that helps to understand why and how the parties involved in the Greek crisis arrived at the bail-out and on what conditions the final solution depended.


Author(s):  
Mohammad Ghorban Kiani

This paper aims at studying the role of Ardalan’s dynasty in the political system of Iran. Going through a brief overview of the political situation of Kurdistan during Ardalan supremacy, this study is primary focused on describing Ardalan’s situation in political structure of Iran. Similar with governors in other parts of Iran, Ardalan authorities were considered as the political elites of Iran and possessed a special and unique political status among the states of Iran from Safavid to Qajar periods. Also, they were always, or at least most of the times, were among the topmost states of Iran attained the high authority and power. Ardalans had always benefited from the most prominent epithets and titles including Sultan, Khan, Baig, governer, and Biglar Baigy and they ruled their kingdom in much of the historical period covered in this study. Since Ardalans were the ruler of Kurdistan region before the Safavid dynasty, both Safavid and Qajar kings maintained them as rulers over their inherited and inborn region.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
Ign. Agung Satyawan ◽  
Budiarjo Budiarjo

<p>The 13<sup>th</sup> general election in Malaysia is significant momentum in Malyasian politics. The election held in March 2013 was a testing for Barisan Nasional (BN) the biggest coalition parties led by United Malays National Organization (UMNO) to win the election.  Since 1998, the votes for BN decreased but the votes for the opposition increased. If the BN lost its power in thw 13<sup>th</sup> election, it will have an impact on domestic political change. It will also bring a change in economic policy. Malaysia's political-economic changes will also take effect on the political-economic of Indonesia given the relations of economic, trade and labor has a substantial aggregate in Indonesian macro economy. The prediction of political-economic change can be seen from the behavior of the voters in 13<sup>th</sup> election. This study will examine the voting behavior of Malaysian students who are studying in Indonesia. Survey technique is used as the method in this research. In general, students do not exercise their voting rights. There is a possibility that they are reluctant to use their right to vote because most of the respondents started to not respect the country's ruling BN and also do not trust the Election Commission in conducting free and fair elections.</p><p> </p><p>Key words: Voting Behavior, General Election, Malaysian Political System, Political Participation</p>


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