scholarly journals A Brief Analysis of First Time Winners in Mizoram State Legislative Assembly Polls (2003 To 2018)

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-58
Author(s):  
Joseph C. Lalremruata
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
First Time ◽  
State Legislative ◽  
Legislative Assembly

It is interesting to state that half of the elected MLAs (20 out of 40) in the 2018-Mizoram State Legislative Assembly election were the candidates who got victory in their first time. This paper analyses the first time winners of MLA candidates in Mizoram particularly from the Fifth to Eight State Legislative Assembly polls (2003 to 2018). It also analyses Mizoram Assembly elections and political parties in brief.

INDIA IN 2003: Pre-Electoral Maneuvering and the Prospects for Regional Peace

Asian Survey ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-35
Author(s):  
Lawrence Sááez
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
General Election ◽  
Electoral Strategies ◽  
State Legislative ◽  
Legislative Assembly

Abstract This article focuses on the electoral strategies adopted by the dominant national political parties in anticipation of the 2004 general election. The success of these strategies is apt to depend on the results of various state legislative assembly elections. We conclude with observations on recent realignments in India's foreign policy, particularly with respect to China and Pakistan.

scholarly journals Explaining the European Union’s Changing Position towards the Gibraltar Question after the Brexit Referendum

2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (4-1) ◽  
pp. 21-30
Author(s):  
Uğur Burç Yıldız İ ◽  
Anıl Çamyamaç
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
International Law ◽  
Social Constructivism ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Policy Choices ◽  
Near Future ◽  
First Time

Abstract Having previously remained impartial on the Gibraltar question between Spain and Britain since both were member states, the European Union suddenly changed its position after the Brexit referendum in favor of the Spanish government at the expense of breaching international law. In doing so, the European Union, for the first time, created a foreign policy on the long-standing Gibraltar question. This article explores the reasons behind the creation of this foreign policy in support of Spain. The European Union feared that the idea of Euroscepticism may escalate among remaining member states after the Brexit referendum because of wide-spread claims that it would dissolve in the near future, fuelled by farright political parties. The European Union therefore created a foreign policy regarding Gibraltar in Spain’s favor in order to promote a “sense of community” for thwarting a further rise in Euroscepticism. While making its analysis, the article applies the assumption of social constructivism that ideas shape interests, which then determine the foreign policy choices of actors.

Conditions for new parties’ participation in a founding election in a democratic transition

2016 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 434-443
Author(s):  
Myriam Aït-Aoudia
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Study ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Electoral Competition ◽  
Analytical Framework ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Transitions ◽  
New Parties ◽  
First Time

The literature on democratic transitions considers the participation of new parties in the first pluralist election in a post-authoritarian context (founding election) as something to be taken for granted. As such, it is never questioned. Specialists in democratic transitions ignore the research on “new parties,” which is, nonetheless, essential to the understanding of the particular characteristics of a post-authoritarian situation. Using an original qualitative study on Algeria, this article proposes to bring to light the political, organizational, and legal conditions of new political parties’ participation or nonparticipation in a founding election. In particular, this research allows us to grasp the dilemmas and difficulties faced by leaders of new parties and the types of support on which they rely to engage for the first time in an electoral competition. The analytical framework stemming from this “case study” is applicable to other national case studies.

scholarly journals An Assessment of the Emergence of Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan, in the 2002 General Elections

2021 ◽  
Vol VI (I) ◽  
pp. 142-153
Author(s):  
Jamal Shah ◽  
Zahir Shah ◽  
Syed Ali Shah
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Turning Point ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Political Force ◽  
The Third ◽  
Causative Factors ◽  
General Elections ◽  
History Of ◽  
First Time

Though Pakistani politics is heavily influenced by religion assumed to be the reason d'etat of the creation of Pakistan, prior to 2002, religious, political parties had never achieved effective electoral results. The October 2002 elections for the National and Provincial Assemblies were a turning point for the religious, political parties in the history of Pakistan. It was the first time that a conglomeration of six religious, political parties, the Jamaat-i-Islami, the Jamiat-i-Ulema-iPakistan (JUP-N), Jamiat-i-Ahle Hadith (JAH-S), the Jamiat-Ulema-iIslam (JUI-F), Jamiat-Ulema-i-Islam (JUI-S), and the Tehrik-i-Jaferia Pakistan (TJP) swept the polls under the umbrella of the Muttahida Majlise-Amal (MMA) (United Council for Action) due to the active support of the Army and America. The alliance emerged as the third-largest political force in the country, with 45 out of the 272 National Assembly general seats. Moreover, the MMA got an overwhelming mandate in the KhyberPakhtunkhwa (KP) and Baluchistan, allowing it to form a government in the KP and became a coalition partner in Baluchistan. The present study is an attempt to answer the question, "what were the causative factors of MMA's emergence and whether it achieved what it promised during the election campaign?".

scholarly journals TINJAUANYURIDIS MEKANISME PENDAFTARAN CALON PERSEORANGAN DAN PARPOL DALAM PILWALI DI KOTA KEDIRI

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 26
Author(s):  
Agus Manfaluthi
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Judicial Review ◽  
Political Party ◽  
General Election ◽  
Empirical Methods ◽  
Registration Procedure ◽  
First Time ◽  
Election Commission ◽  
Objective Research ◽  
Independent Candidates

Objective research titled Judicial Review of Registration Mechanism for Independent Candidates and Political Parties in the General Election of Mayor and Deputy Mayor (Pilwali) in 2013 to determine the depth of the registration mechanism for independent candidates and political parties in the general election of Mayor and Deputy Mayor in Kediri. The question is whether Kediri has been carrying out the registration procedure in accordance with the rules applicable. To mind the new independent candidates Pilwali adopted in 2013 in Kediri where it is the first time to implement Election Mayor followed by independent candidates. This research is conducted using empirical methods to the scope of research locations in the Election Commission office Kediri. The result: Based on Law Number 12 Year 2008 began chapters 58 to 60, the General Election Commission (KPU), Kediri City has been implementing a mechanism for registration of candidates for May or and Deputy Mayor came from political parties, the combined political parties and candidates Individual earnest, result all independent either from independent or from political party and coalition of political parties passed the registration stage

ABOUT THE BENEFITS OF FAILURE: RUSSIAN EXPERIENCE FOR THE COMPARATIVE FEDERALISM RESEARCH

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 6-19
Author(s):  
I. M. Busygina ◽  
◽  
M. Filippov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Transition To Democracy ◽  
Necessary Condition ◽  
Comparative Federalism ◽  
First Time

In the 1990s, Russian federalism was the pride of Russian reforms, a convincing proof of the irreversibility of democratization. Today, only the formal shells of federal institutions remain. However, the lessons of Russian federalism have greatly enriched research on comparative federalism: for the first time, a country of such territorial scale and diversity consciously built federal relations, while in the conditions of an extremely unfavorable heritage, the presence of an ethnic "component" and pronounced asymmetries. The Russian case showed that federalism significantly complicates the transition to democracy if democratic and federal insti-tution-building develop simultaneously. In addition, the case of Russia once again confirmed that federalism could not survive without being supported by other institutions; a necessary condition for the survival of fed-eralism is the development of democratic competition in the direction of strengthening the role of political parties interested in federalism. The lessons of the 90s in Russia may prove useful both to other countries that have chosen federalism and to Russia itself, since any significant reforms will inevitably lead to a change in the nature of relations between the center and the regions.

De (on)macht van de Eerste Minister : Een a-wetenschappelijke ervaringsbenadering

Res Publica ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-32
Author(s):  
Jean-Luc Dehaene
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Common Law ◽  
The Political ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Coalition Governments ◽  
Profound Knowledge ◽  
Key Skills ◽  
The Government ◽  
First Time

The position of the Belgian prime minister (PM) is hardly mentioned in the Belgian Constitution. lt was only after almost 140 years, in 1970 he was mentioned for the first time. lts power is rather a matter of common law. Since 1831 through the years, the position and power of the PM changed strongly. This often happened together with changes concerning the power of the King: the weaker the King, the stronger the PM.The existence of coalition governments puts forward bis role as coordinator and even as arbitrator, whereas the federalisation process since the seventies places him as a conciliator between Regions and Communities. The growing importance of the European Council of Head of States have made him the most important decision-maker among the national politicians in the European integration process. The PM's skills concerning timing and agendasetting are very important because it is one of his most important power instruments. Other key skills are bis profound knowledge in certain issues but mostly as a generalist, his insisting on good minister nominations by the party leaders, the way he can motivate his cabinet members, a good team spirit among the government members and the existence of a clear government contract. In order to avoid a strongdependency on or tutelage from the political parties of the majority it is important to have their top politicians in the government.

THE PROBLEM OF REPRESENTATION OF TURKISH WOMEN IN POLITICS (1980S TO THE PRESENT)

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (15) ◽  
pp. 372-387
Author(s):  
Zeynep Tuğçe ÖZTÜRK ◽  
Nurgün KOÇ
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Women's Movements ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Women In Politics ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Turkish Women ◽  
The Right ◽  
First Time

In Turkish modernization, important steps were taken under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk so that women could reach the level of contemporary civilized peoples. For this purpose, women who have lagged behind the society in education, training and social life, especially gender equality, have been granted political rights before some European countries. Turkish women, who obtained the right to vote and be elected in 1934, were included in the political life, and they went to the polls for the first time in the elections held in 1935. For many years, the place of women in political life has decreased due to many reasons such as the fact that political parties do not allow quotas for female deputies, democracy cannot be fully ensured within political parties, sexism, politics are seen as men’s work, women’s education problem, while the women’s movements have increased in the period from the 1980s to the present. Its power has increased due to reasons such as quota implementation based on changes in electoral systems. Although the number of women in politics has not reached a sufficient level even today, as the sexist approach in society and the obstacles placed in front of women are overcome, the effectiveness and success of Turkish women in political life will increase. Although it is difficult for women to take part in the male-dominated structure in politics, it is seen that women are not willing enough and they struggle less. It is possible to say that women have made important strides in the political arena in the Turkish society led by a female prime minister, Professor Tansu Çiller.

British defence policy: the breakdown of inter-party consensus

1987 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-131 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter M. Jones
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Major Party ◽  
Political Issue ◽  
Defence Policy ◽  
The One ◽  
First Time ◽  
Second World

In 1983, for almost the first time since the end of the Second World War, defence became a major party political issue at a general election. In that year it was one of the major campaign issues between the political parties and, according to one poll, ranked second only to unemployment as an issue influencing voter behaviour. Indeed, poll evidence indicated that the Conservatives held an unprecedented and overwhelming 54 per cent lead over Labour on the question of British retention of nuclear arms. Furthermore, of those who thought of defecting from the Labour Party, 42 per cent gave defence as the main reason. Such figures as these suggest strongly that by 1983 the inter-party consensus which had governed defence issues since 1945 had broken down, particularly in view of the fact that the question of defence had not been raised as an issue affecting voting intentions in the 1979 election. The breakdown of consensus may thus be judged by the emergence of defence as a party political issue. It might even be said that in 1983 it was an electiondeciding issue, especially when one set of policies could be represented by opponents as being contrary to the continuation of British membership of NATO, the one issue on which all parties were agreed. Defence thus moved from being a peripheral issue to one at the centre stage of the election campaign and it had a major impact on the outcome of the election. However, the.demise of inter-party consensus was not reflected in the electorate as a whole, which chose to continue to support the tried, and trusted policies of the past rather than adopt the radical alternative presented by the Labour Party, If a new consensus is to emerge—and it is beyond the limits of this particular paper to consider whether a consensus in defence policy is desirable—then all parties will have to review their present policies. However, before turning to the reasons for the breakdown, it is instructive to consider the nature of the post-1945 consensus and the origins of its apparent demise.

Changing Patterns of Political Alignment in the General Elections to the United Provinces Legislative Assembly, 1937 and 1946

1971 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. D. Reeves
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Lower House ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Changing Patterns ◽  
Political Alignment ◽  
United Provinces ◽  
Legislative Assembly

This paper discusses some of the initial findings arising from research into the electoral system of the United Provinces in the period before Independence, that is, from about 1935 until 1947. I have chosen to give particular attention to the activities of political parties in the 1937 and 1946 elections to the lower house (or Legislative Assembly) of the provincial legislature.

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