scholarly journals Poteri signorili e feudali nelle campagne dell'Italia settentrionale fra Tre e Quattrocento: fondamenti di legittimità e forme di esercizio.

2005 ◽  

This volume contains the proceedings of the study convention held in Milan on 11 and 12 April 2003. The objective of these study days was to address the question of the powers of lordship which were exercised in the countryside of central-northern Italy between the mid fourteenth century and the end of the fifteenth century. The discussions focused on what instruments and what foundations of legitimacy these same powers had and what was their relationship with the authority of the prince and with the ordinary citizen, on the one hand, and with the community and the homines on the other. These and various other issues thrown up by the study of feudal power are the topics which emerge in the various contributions gathered in this volume, devoted principally to the Lombardy of the Visconti and the Sforza, but also to other areas of Italy.

1933 ◽  
Vol 27 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 195-199
Author(s):  
S. K. Johnson

It may be of interest to supplement the latter part of Professor Conway's article by a note applying the same standards to estimating the value of the other sources on which (together with Rhenanus' incomplete record) we have to rely for our knowledge of the Spirensian tradition. Apart from ‘L’ and Harl. 2684 (which is Spirensian only from xxix. 3. 15 to xxx. 21. 12) Luchs used for this purpose three partially Spirensian sources: (a) the one fourteenth-century and four fifteenth-century MSS whose archetype he called ‘R’ (to be called θ in the Oxford Text) (b) V, the fifteenth-century Vat. Pal. 876, and (c) the fifteenth-century Flor. Laur. lxxxix. inf. 1. The last mentioned may be dismissed as practically valueless and as supplying little more than new corruptions from an unusually contaminated intermediary. In addition to these deteriores Luchs used the Agennensis (Harl. 2493), but only for the Spirensian supplement in Book xxvi' (where the omission in N is not supplied by any corrector) and for the last part of Book xxx (where A like N contains a supplement). He did not deal at all with the Spirensian textual correctors in A.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 343-343
Author(s):  
T. E. C.

Barren marriages until the present century were usually considered a sign of Divine displeasure. But as knowledge of the phsyiology of reproduction was a closed book until recently, many preternatural methods for determining whether sterility was the fault of either husband or wife may be found in the medical literature of the Renaissance. None is more fanciful than the following from an English leechbook of the fifteenth century: Knowing the default of conception, whether it belong to the man or the woman. Take two new earthen pots, each by itself; and let the woman make water in the one, and the man in the other; and put in each of them a quantity of wheatbran, and not too much, that it be not thick, but be liquid or running; and mark well the pots for identification, and let them stand ten days and ten nights, and thou shalt see in the water that is in default small live worms; and if there appear no worms in either water, then they be likely to have children in process of time when God will.1 Dawson2 writes that this and similar experiments are ancient ones and are described in Egyptian papyri.


Author(s):  
Arnold Anthony Schmidt

This chapter takes an original approach to Byron’s much-discussed engagement with the early Risorgimento by focusing not on biographical aspects, but rather on formal issues. It centres on The Two Foscari in the context of the highly politicised contemporary Italian critical debates about the dramatic unities. In this fashion, it teases out the political implications of Byron’s adherence to the unities by comparing his play to Alessandro Manzoni’s Il conte di Carmagnola, which programmatically violates them. Focusing specifically on the playwrights’ representations of the fifteenth-century mercenary leader, Francesco Bussone da Carmagnola, the chapter explores these writers’ use or abuse of the unity of time, in particular. In doing so, it throws light on, and contrasts, Manzoni’s Risorgimento agenda on the one hand and Byron’s generally sceptical attitude about leadership and uncertainty about social and political change on the other.


Author(s):  
Barbara Bombi

This book is concerned with the modalities, namely the modes and procedures, of Anglo-papal diplomacy in the first half of the fourteenth century, when diplomatic affairs between England and the papacy intensified following the transfer of the papal curia to southern France in 1305 and on account of the on-going Anglo-French hostilities, which resulted in the outbreak of the Hundred Years’ War in 1337. On the one hand, the book investigates how diplomatic and administrative practices developed in England and at the papal curia from a comparative perspective, whilst, on the other hand, it questions the legacy and impact of international and domestic conflicts on diplomatic and administrative practices....


Author(s):  
Hendrik Callewier

AbstractOn the strength of previous research it has often been assumed that in Flanders the notarial profession had barely developed before 1531. That position can no longer be upheld, in particular with regard to fifteenth-century Bruges, since a prosopographical study into the notaries public who were active at the time in Bruges shows that nowhere else in the Low Countries was the notariate so successful. Moreover, because of their numbers, of their intensive activity in pursuing their trade and of the nature of the deeds they drafted, the Bruges notaries appear to have set the standards for their colleagues in the other parts of the Low Countries. Even so, it remains true that in Bruges as in the rest of North-Western Europe, the notarial profession remained far less important than in the cities of Northern Italy.


1995 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-39
Author(s):  
O. Wright

Part 1 of this paper was concerned principally with the various problems that confront any attempt to provide a satisfactory transcription of these two examples. Given the nature of the difficulties encountered, it is clear that any generalizations we might wish to derive from them can only be tentative and provisional. Nevertheless, the paucity of comparable material, which on the one hand renders the interpretative hurdles all the more difficult to surmount, on the other makes the urge to draw at least some conclusions from the material provided by ‘Abd al-Qādir al-Marāghī and Binā'ī well-nigh irresistible. Such conclusions would involve, essentially, an assessment of the extent to which their notations shed light on the musical practice of the period and provide reliable evidence for the history of composition and styles of textsetting. But in any evaluation of this nature it is essential to avoid the temptation to confuse the sources with the speculative editorial interventions that produce the versions presented in part 1 (exs. 26–8 and 30). The area about which least can be said with regard to the naqsh notated by Binā'ī is, therefore, the nature of the text-setting, while with regard to ‘Abd al-Qādir al-Marāghī's notations it is, rather, the first topic we may consider, the relationship between melody and the underlying articulation of the rhythmic cycle.


Ars Adriatica ◽  
2014 ◽  
pp. 63
Author(s):  
Pavuša Vežić

In order to deepen our contemporary knowledge about the Romanesque cathedral of Dubrovnik, it is of utmost importance to turn to the archaeological remains and the documented material evidence in order to establish its ground plan. On the basis of the ground plan and in combination with the way the Cathedral was depicted in the art works produced during the period from the fifteenth to the seventeenth century, while also taking into account the contemporary written sources, we can propose a reconstruction of the Romanesque Cathedral together with a number of architectural features which have not been preserved. The Cathedral was an aisled basilica with a semi-circular apse which protruded at its east end. The nave was separated from the two aisles by means of arcades consisting of six piers resting on rectangular bases. The piers carried the vaults and these, in turn, supported the galleries above the aisles and the roof of the basilica. Such an arrangement was recorded by Diversis and Casola in the fifteenth century. In all likelihood, the two buttresses on the façade and eight more on each lateral wall were added later. At the top, the buttresses were connected by semi-circular arches and an exterior gallery existed above them. This gallery was connected to the one at the back of the church, creating thus an ambulatory which enabled the circumambulation of the basilica. This feature was mentioned by Casola and can be seen, to a certain degree, on the triptych painted by Nikola Božidarević. Most depictions show the Cathedral as having a dome on a round drum. However, the dome on the triptych painted by Pietro di Giovanni features a polygonal drum. The fact that the bases of the two piers situated under the dome are narrower compared to others, as can be seen on the ground plan recorded by Stošić, may have had something to do with that. The depictions of the dome regularly show exterior ribs which is a feature that requires further critical deliberation. At the same time, the dome does appear frequently in the architecture of Italian Romanesque churches. This can be seen in the architectural heritage of Apulia, Tuscany and Lombardy alike. When it comes to Dalmatia, however, only the cathedrals in its southern part, that is, at Dubrovnik and Kotor, were provided with a dome which is a phenomenon that points to the longevity of Byzantine tradition in these towns. The proposal put forward by Stošić, that the building of the Romanesque cathedral started during the last three decades of the twelfth century, when the Archbishop of Dubrovnik was Andrew of Lucca in Tuscany, seems convincing. Stošić also drew attention to the fact that the buttresses were added onto the exterior face of each lateral wall in order to carry the weight of the gallery in the upper part of the basilica. This may indicate that the initial concept was altered and it could be linked to an archival record of 1199 which mentions that a certain Eustace was required to carry out building works on the Cathedral. This Eustace was the son of Bernardo, a foreman (protomagister) in Trani in Apulia. This means that the twelfth century was not the time when the building works began, as Peković suggested, but the time when the building continued after the introduction of a new design with exterior galleries. Such galleries are found in Italian churches (in Apulia, Tuscany and Lombardy alike) as well as in some Dalmatian ones, for example on the lateral wall of Zadar Cathedral and on the wall of the semi-circular apse of the basilica of St Chrysogonus in the same town. On the other hand, fact remains that the exterior galleries in Apulian churches were supported by a series of robust buttresses which carried high vaults (Bari, Bitonto, Trani). These buttresses are much more solid in comparison to the narrow ones which were added onto the walls of Dubrovnik Cathedral. Perhaps this can be understood as a consequence of the change of design for the new cathedral which saw the replacing of what one might call a Tuscan project of the second half of the twelfth century with the Apulian one from the turn of the thirteenth. The building works continued long after this, well into the mid-fourteenth century, and in the process the cathedral acquired a number of Gothic elements. Its overall architectural composition was also imbued with the Gothic spatial articulation such as the testudines opere gothico. This makes it clear that during the thirteenth and fourteenth century, Dubrovnik experienced intense connections with Apulia.


2015 ◽  
pp. 53-68
Author(s):  
Dafydd Johnston ◽  

Lexical eclecticism is a well-known characteristic of the fourteenth-century Welsh poet Dafydd ap Gwilym. This paper will offer a preliminary categorisation of the sources of his language, considering on the one hand what he inherited from the earlier poetic tradition and the various discourses of Middle Welsh prose (religious, legal, historiographical), and on the other hand innovations resulting from use of colloquial vocabulary and loanwords from French, English and Irish, as well as new compounds and abstract formations. An attempt will be made to assess the proportion of core vocabulary of the spoken language in his poetry, with due regard to the associated methodological issues. Some conclusions will be drawn about the kinds of evidence which the poetry can provide for the development of the Welsh language during a period of major socio-political change.


Author(s):  
Francesco Crifò

AbstractGreek-speaking people have been sailing the Mediterranean for millennia. At various stages of their development from Latin, the Romance languages have been influenced by their idiom. In Italy and in its islands, this role has been particularly evident due to the many rich and culturally active colonies in Southern Italy before and during the Roman period on the one hand, and through the later Byzantine occupation, which lasted several centuries in some areas, on the other. In this article, after a brief summary of the historical background (2.), the characteristics of the lexical borrowings from Greek in the local idioms of Southern (3.) as well as of Central and Northern Italy (4.) will be sketched. Here and there, and in the conclusions (5.), the status quaestionis and the latest orientations of the research will also be broadly outlined.


1936 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-211 ◽  
Author(s):  
F. R. Salter

No aspect of fifteenth-century Florence can be completely without interest, although a bare minimum may seem to attach to a study of the Jews during this period and of their connexion with the city finances on the one hand and the establishment of a Mons Pietatis on the other. Yet the economic foundation on which the magnificent artistic and literary superstructure rested is clearly important, and that not only for the fortunes of the Medici and other ruling, or rival, families, Strozzi, Pazzi, Tornabuoni and the like, but also where it affects the daily lives of the popolo minuto, tailors, potters and fishermen, or those craftsmen who by their labours built the church of San Spirito and the Ospedale degli Innocenti. Nor can we disregard a chapter of history which closes with some of the most direct and the most practically effective of the sermons of Savonarola.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document