scholarly journals Guerra e opinião pública nos Estados Unidos: o caso da Guerra do Iraque em 2003 / War and public opinion in the United States: the Iraq War in 2003

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 419-448
Author(s):  
Cláudio Júnior Damin

O artigo aborda a relação existente entre guerra e opinião pública nos Estados Unidos. O artigo foca na análise do caso da Guerra do Iraque iniciada em março de 2003 durante os mandatos de George W. Bush. Esse conflito insere-se no contexto dos ataques terroristas de 11 de setembro de 2001, sendo parte constitutiva da chamada “guerra global contra o terrorismo”. A primeira hipótese de trabalho é a de que inicialmente e reproduzindo padrões históricos anteriores, a guerra foi amplamente aprovada pela população norte-americana, processo que se prolongou por alguns meses e influenciou decisivamente para a reeleição do presidente republicano em 2004. Como segunda hipótese assevera-se que, passado algum tempo, o humor da opinião pública sofreu uma inflexão, diminuindo a aprovação popular à guerra e tendo como importante desdobramento a derrota dos republicanos na eleição de 2008, com o conflito ainda em curso. Espera-se mostrar, portanto, como a Guerra do Iraque pode ser dividida em duas fases distintas, sendo a primeira de bônus para o governo de George W. Bush e seus correligionários republicanos e a outra de ônus a partir do crescimento do número de baixas militares norte-americanas e da crise de credibilidade do governo no que concerne às perspectivas de vitória definitiva no conflito.Abstract: The article discusses the relationship between war and public opinion in the United States. The article focuses on the analysis of the case of the Iraq War that began in March 2003 during the administration of George W. Bush. This conflict is within the context of the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, being a constituent part of the "Global War on Terrorism." The first hypothesis is that initially and reproducing previous historical standards, the war was widely approved by the American population, a process that was prolonged for a few months and influenced decisively to the re-election of Republican president in 2004. As a second hypothesis asserts that, after some time, the mood of public opinion has undergone a shift, reducing the public approval of the war and with the important effect the defeat of the Republicans in the 2008 election. It is expected, therefore, to show how the Iraq War can be divided into two distinct phases, with the first bonus for the George W. Bush and his fellow Republicans and other liens being from the growing number of U.S. military casualties and the crisis of credibility of the government with regard to the prospects of ultimate victory in the conflict.

Author(s):  
Tony Smith

This chapter examines the United States' liberal democratic internationalism from George W. Bush to Barack Obama. It first considers the Bush administration's self-ordained mission to win the “global war on terrorism” by reconstructing the Middle East and Afghanistan before discussing the two time-honored notions of Wilsonianism espoused by Democrats to make sure that the United States remained the leader in world affairs: multilateralism and nation-building. It then explores the liberal agenda under Obama, whose first months in office seemed to herald a break with neoliberalism, and his apparent disinterest in the rhetoric of democratic peace theory, along with his discourse on the subject of an American “responsibility to protect” through the promotion of democracy abroad. The chapter also analyzes the Obama administration's economic globalization and concludes by comparing the liberal internationalism of Bush and Obama.


PMLA ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 124 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy Aubry

This essay considers the American reception of Khaled Hosseini's The Kite Runner in the context of the Bush administration's global war on terrorism by examining the customer reviews of the novel posted on Amazon. As many of the responses indicate, identification serves as a paradoxical means of negotiating with fictional representations of foreignness. The intense and painful empathy inspired by The Kite Runner serves a valorizing function for American readers, strengthening their sense of their own humanity—an effect that resists strict political categorization. Hosseini's ambivalent conception of what it means to be human, I argue, supports a diversity of competing attitudes toward the United States' military intervention in the Middle East and central Asia, while simultaneously catering to fantasies of escape from ideological and cultural divisions altogether.


2004 ◽  
Vol 103 (677) ◽  
pp. 423-427 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Hoffman

More than three years into the global war on terrorism, the United States has no clear policy. It lacks, in turn, a sharp and well-formed strategy … to direct its efforts through the coming phases of what will likely prove a long struggle.


Author(s):  
Saundra K. Schneider ◽  
William G. Jacoby

In a properly-functioning democracy, public opinion should not only be correlated with, but also a major determinant of, public policy. Is that the case in the United States? In this chapter, we address that question by covering the major lines of empirical research on the relationship between American public opinion and public policy. We begin with early work that emphasized the limits of popular thinking about government, creating the apparent need for democratic elitism in governmental action. More recent literature includes perspectives from the public policy field, and research on democratic responsiveness at both the national and state levels. Major lines of work emphasize the existence of rational public opinion at the aggregate level which ‘smooths out’ the inconsistencies that may exist within individual policy attitudes. Seminal studies have considered both the degree of correspondence between opinion and policy (i.e., ‘the rational public’), and models that specify how policy responds to opinion (thermostatic responses and the macropolity). Recent methodological innovations have led to new insights about democratic responsiveness in the American states. Our general conclusion is cautiously optimistic: Policy generally does follow the contours of citizen preference, but elites also have opportunities to shape manifestations of public opinion.


2021 ◽  
pp. 45-52
Author(s):  
Guzal KADIROvA

The article examines the complicated domestic and foreign political situation inherited by H. Mubarak after the assassination of the former head of state A. Sadat by radical Islamists because of his foreign policy steps directly related to Islamic solidarity at the international level. H. Mubarak’s foreign policy was a continuation of the domestic one. He tried to attract supporters among the Islamists, at the same time widely using repression to weaken the Islamist opposition, and, at the same time, sought to pursue a policy of promoting state Islam, which was designed to show the Islamic character of the country and thus seize the initiative from the Islamist opposition. Having restored Egypt’s position in the Arab and Islamic world, in the last decade of his rule, H. Mubarak, as a result of unsuccessful steps towards the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, again faced criticism of his course. This was superimposed on the growth of opposition within the country, and the dilemma, which H. Mubarak tried to solve at the last stage of his rule, looked like a classic “paradox of democracy”, when the launching of democratization processes leads to the strengthening of Islamist forces. Another dimension on which the Islamic factor manifested itself in the foreign policy pursued under H. Mubarak was the fight against international terrorism. For Egypt, this problem worsened in the 1990s. Opposition to radical Islam reached a new level after the 2001 terrorist attacks in the United States and the declaration of a “global war on terrorism”, in which Egypt became a participant. During this period, al-Qaeda considered Egypt as one of the directions of the “global jihad”. The actions of the government of Egypt and the terrorist acts against this country revealed previously unknown groups that were somehow identified with Al-Qaeda and the “global jihad”.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (2/2021) ◽  
pp. 75-97
Author(s):  
Stevan Nedeljkovic ◽  
Merko Dasic

The withdrawal of American troops from Afghanistan during August 2021 puts an end to the longest war that America has ever fought and the first phase of the Global War on Terrorism. In this regard, two important questions arise, which we will try to answer in this paper. First, what are the main external and internal consequences that the United States has faced due to engaging in the “War on Terror”? Second, did the U.S. achieve its goals in that war? The external effects we have identified are the crisis of global leadership, the weakening of relations with the allies, the growth of China in the lee, and the rise of populism. Among the internal ones, we included the strengthening of the presidential function, the increase of state power, more profound social polarization, an increase in budget expenditures, and a growing deficit, as well as human casualties. In the end, we contributed to the debate on the nature of the U.S. “victory”. We are providing the argumentation in the direction that the final output of War on Terror should be named Pyrrhic victory.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 896-904
Author(s):  
Dedi Sahputra

This article aims to find out the meaning of the term moderate Islam as a terminology. The problem is focused on reviewing the language and its history, as well as from the context of the political interests that lie behind it. In order to approach the problem, this article uses a reference to the theory of terminology. The data were collected through a literature review of various similar studies that have been conducted. Furthermore, the data obtained were analyzed qualitatively. This study concludes that there is a bias in understanding the terminology of moderate Islam which lies in equating the word "Islam" with the word "ummah", so that the term "ummatan wasatan" is then equated with "moderate Islam". This interpretation bias is strongly influenced by the global political context related to the emergence of the term terrorism and the concept of the global war on terrorism (GWOT) which was coined by the United States during the George W. Bush Junior administration.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-178
Author(s):  
Agus Handoko

Abstract:The term Terrorism surfaced in various parts of the world, both in European countries, the Middle East and even Asia, including Indonesia. Due to the emergence of every violence and destruction in every place with the loss of not only property and even human lives. The nickname of the Terrorists has always been addressed to certain groups who echoed jihad, and the events of terrorism which were of concern to the world at the time of the occurrence of an event the United States WTC (World Trade Center) Tower was bombed and destroyed on 11 September 2001. From the tragedy that eliminated thousands of human lives, the war on global terrorism (global war on terrorism) was officially proclaimed by Western countries. So that the study of terrorism invites the attention of various groups, both academics and agencies or national and international institutions by examining various aspects, namely through aspects of theology, ideology, and movements and networks. Until now terrorism has become a threat to the security and security of the country and also frightened the public. This paper will examine the growth of terrorism both inside and outside Indonesia which will elaborate terrorism in the name of religion.Keywords: Terrorism, Religious, Crime Abstrak.Istilah Terorisme mengemuka di berbagai belahan dunia, baik di negara-negara Eropa, Timur Tengah bahkan Asia termasuk Indonesia. Dikarenakan munculnya setiap kekerasan maupun kehancuran di setiap tempat dengan adanya kerugian tidak saja harta benda bahkan nyawa manusia. Julukan Teroris selalu dialamatkan pada kelompok tertentu yang mengumandangkan jihad, dan peristiwa terorisme yang menjadi perhatian dunia pada saat terjadinya suatu peristiwa Menara Kembar WTC (World Trade Center) milik Amerika Serikat dibom dan hancur pada tanggal 11 September 2001 lalu. Dari tragedi yang menghilangkan ribuan nyawa manusia, perang melawan terorisme global (global war on terrorism) resmi dikumandangkan oleh negara-negara Barat. Sehingga kajian mengenai terorisme mengundang perhatian berbagai kalangan, baik akademisi maupun instansi atau lembaga nasional maupun internasional dengan mengkaji dari berbagai macam aspek, yaitu melalui aspek Teologi, Ideologi, maupun gerakan-gerakan dan jaringannya. Sampai saat ini terorisme menjadi ancaman terhadap ketahanan dan keamanan negara dan juga membuat ketakutan di kalangan masyarakat. Makalah ini akan mengkaji seputar tumbuhnya terorisme baik di luar maupun dalam negeri Indonesia yang akan mengelaborasi terorisme atas nama keagamaan.Kata Kunci: Terorisme, Keagamaan, Kejahatan


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