scholarly journals Sectarian Conflict in Elite Newspapers of Pakistan: A Peace Journalism Perspective

2021 ◽  
Vol volume 05 (issue 2) ◽  
pp. 341-350
Author(s):  
Dr. Yaseen Sultana Farooqi ◽  
Dr.Usman Quddus ◽  
Nasir Iqbal

Mass Media occupies a significant place in contemporary era of volatile changes and in a country like Pakistan, which is hovered by internal and external conflicts since its inception, it turns pivotal. The geo-strategic depth and ethno-political structure of the country has highlighted the sensitivity of media reporting and its implications on a wider scale. The ingrained private media outlets in 2000 have grown mature over the past 20 years. Yet the reporting dilemmas haunt the underdeveloped nation. The present study aims to explore the emerging sectarian unrest in the country and its coverage in elite English newspapers Dawn and The News over the years 22019, 2021 using census technique to examine the existence and frequency of war and peace frames by John Galtung, and thus finds the role of media escalatory in nature.

2021 ◽  
Vol Volume 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 357-368
Author(s):  
Dr. Farasat Rasool ◽  
Mr. Arif Ahmad ◽  
Zeeshan Zaighum

According to Johan Galtung’s theory, war journalism and peace journalism are two frames. Peace journalism is a solution oriented while war journalism escalates conflicts. This study aims at comparatively exploring the nature of coverage during a conflict. This paper examines the role of the Pakistani and Indian elite press after the Pulwama attack, leading to the Balakot airstrike. For the collection of data, researchers have selected four leading elite newspapers i.e. two from Pakistan and two from India. The researchers have collected two month’s data after the incident of Pulwama leading to air craft conflict between the two states. Data is collected through content analysis which is further analyzed. The findings indicated that the media with dominate war frames compromise national security.


2013 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 258-269 ◽  
Author(s):  
Faridah Ibrahim ◽  
Normah Mustaffa ◽  
Fauziah Ahmad ◽  
Chang Peng Kee ◽  
Wan Amizah Wan Mahmud

The dilemma between war and peace has often created continuous debates among many people even though their countries are not involved in the act of war. What they see on television or read on the Internet and in the newspapers are enough to incite emotions and feelings. Some took to the streets and joined street demonstrators who demonstrate against the act of aggression and war in certain countries. While others, would be glued to the television or the Internet, following minute details on the act of war and silently condemning the perpetrators of war. There are also groups of individuals who are indifferent to what is happening around them. In other words, people react to war news in many ways. Moreover with the potential of the mass media to provide neutral and objective reporting of war and peace, one may ask, how do the media perform in times of conflicts and war. Based on a survey of the Malaysian audience, this paper tries to dwell into how the people of a non-warring country like Malaysia, perceives the act of war. To what extent do they see the role of the media in propagating peace and how do they conceptualise the notion of Peace Journalism.


2013 ◽  
Vol 67 (4) ◽  
pp. 863-888 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen G. Brooks

AbstractPolitical scientists and economists have long been interested in the role of special interests in the policymaking process. In the past few years, a series of important new books have argued forcefully that the lobbying activities of economic actors have an important influence on the prospects for war and peace. All of these analyses claim that whether economic actors enhance or decrease the likelihood of conflict ultimately depends on the domestic political balance between economic actors who have a strong vested interest in pushing for peace versus those that do not. I advance two contrary arguments. At least among the advanced states, I posit there are no longer any economic actors who will be favorable toward war and who will lobby the government with this preference. All of the identified mechanisms that previously contributed to such lobbying in these states have been swept away with the end of colonialism and the rise of economic globalization. In particular, I show that the current structure of the global economy now makes it feasible for foreign direct investment to serve as an effective substitute for conquest in a way that was not possible in previous eras. My second argument concerns those economic actors in advanced states with a preference for peace. I posit that it has become unnecessary for them to directly lobby the government to avoid war on economic grounds because economic globalization—the accumulation of decisions by economic actors throughout the globe—now has sufficiently clear economic incentives for leaders.


2018 ◽  
Vol 81 (4) ◽  
pp. 305-326 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shabir Hussain ◽  
Syed Abdul Siraj

This study offers a quantitative analysis of the coverage of Taliban conflict in the four leading newspapers of Pakistan and Afghanistan through the perspective of war and peace journalism—developed by Johan Galtung and adopted by many scholars. Consistent with the existing literature, the researcher found that both the English and vernacular press in the two countries predominantly reported the Taliban conflict through war journalism framing. The local press was equally escalatory while reporting on the conflict. The press in the two countries showed remarkable differences in the war journalism framing but applied similar thematic strategies of peace journalism. The study advocates an academic juncture between political communication and peace journalism scholarship to identify the issues that influence media content during conflict times for better understanding of the potential role of media in peace and conflict resolution.


Modern Italy ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Gundle

This article explores the ways in which Silvio Berlusconi might figure in collective memory. It approaches this from a number of angles. First, consideration is given to the way political figures of the past have resonated culturally and the role of institutions including the mass media in this. Second, Berlusconi's own efforts to situate himself in relation to a shared past are explored, with reference to the place of three nostalgic appeals that figured with varying intensity at different points in his career. Third, Berlusconian aesthetics are investigated to explore the relative roles of kitsch and glamour. It is shown that kitsch gained the upper hand and that this also manifested itself in the monarchical aspects that his personality cult took on. Finally, Berlusconi is considered as a possible subject for a biopic and a discussion is offered of the way his life and career might be presented in different variants of this genre. Overall, it is suggested that expectations that he will be damned by history fail to take account both of the way he imposed himself on the collective consciousness and of the generic requirements of the mass media.


2019 ◽  
pp. 19-40
Author(s):  
Jide Jimoh ◽  
Jimi Kayode

Even though the role of the media in development has long been recognized, more attention has been given to their role as purveyors and disseminators of news and little on how such news are framed. Against this background, this chapter looks at the nexus of peace and development and the role of journalism in the mix. The concept of development journalism as a kind of deliberative effort, may have received some impetus and the practice established, as governments, policy makers, scholars and practitioners assign developmental roles to the mass media beyond the ideas from the West. Similarly, the notion of peace journalism emerged as a dimension of development journalism. Originally conceived by the eminent peace scholar, Johan Galtung, the Peace Journalism model is a source of practical options for journalists which shows backgrounds and contexts of conflicts, explores hidden agendas, highlights peace ideas and initiatives in news coverage of conflicts and therefore is recommended for consideration by journalists especially in developing nations.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 103-111 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andreas Heinrich ◽  
Heiko Pleines

Research on mass media in authoritarian regimes focuses more on state mechanisms of control than on actual media reporting and on moments of crises much more than on times of stable functioning of the regime. In order to shed more light on the role of journalistic mass media in authoritarian regimes, this article deals with the actual limits of pluralism in media reporting regarding policy issues in ‘ordinary’ authoritarian politics. Looking at pluralism in sources (i.e., actors being quoted) and pluralism in opinion, the article also deals with the often assumed increasing degree of pluralism from TV over print media to the Internet. This study is based on a qualitative content analysis of media reporting on export pipelines in three post-Soviet authoritarian regimes (Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan). The text corpus comprises 3,618 media reports from 38 different journalistic media outlets published between 1998 and 2011. Two major results of the study are, first, that concerning the degree of pluralism, the differences between types of media are country specific, and, second, that ‘limited pluralism’ seems to be a misnomer, as the political opposition—at least in our cases—regularly does not have a voice at all.


Author(s):  
Jide Jimoh ◽  
Jimi Kayode

Even though the role of the media in development has long been recognized, more attention has been given to their role as purveyors and disseminators of news and little on how such news are framed. Against this background, this chapter looks at the nexus of peace and development and the role of journalism in the mix. The concept of development journalism as a kind of deliberative effort, may have received some impetus and the practice established, as governments, policy makers, scholars and practitioners assign developmental roles to the mass media beyond the ideas from the West. Similarly, the notion of peace journalism emerged as a dimension of development journalism. Originally conceived by the eminent peace scholar, Johan Galtung, the Peace Journalism model is a source of practical options for journalists which shows backgrounds and contexts of conflicts, explores hidden agendas, highlights peace ideas and initiatives in news coverage of conflicts and therefore is recommended for consideration by journalists especially in developing nations.


Author(s):  
Michael Westerlund ◽  
Thomas Niederkrotenthaler

Most researchers in the field of suicide and mass media nowadays agree that the studies carried out to date have substantiated the existence, under certain circumstances, of genuine suicidal ‘contagion’ from suicide reports in the media. The fact that many studies have demonstrated an association between media reporting of suicide and actual suicidal behaviour has also prompted the issue of various types of recommendations on how the media should report on the subject of suicide to avoid imitative behaviour. In addition to harmful media effects, protective potentials of media reporting have emerged as a major research field in suicide prevention in the last decade, with high relevance to public mental health. The purpose of this text is to discuss and identify the problems associated with research on suicide and the media, with a number of seminal articles published over the years serving as examples.


2000 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 139-180 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. V. R. Nasr

The past two decades have witnessed a notable escalation in sectarian violence in Pakistan. Since 1979 doctrinal disputes between Sunnis (who constitute the majority of Pakistan's population) and Twelver Shi‘is (who number between 15% and 25% of the population, and are to be distinguished from Islami‘ili, Khoja and Bohri Shi‘is) has given place to full-fledged sectarian conflict. Militant Sunni and Shi‘i organizations have carried out assassinations and bombing campaigns that have killed political rivals as well as children and the innocent at prayer in mosques. In the first seven months of 1997 alone—the year when sectarian conflict reached its apogee—one hundred people died in such attacks in Punjab. The violence escalated further when in the first ten days of August 1997 (immediately preceding the celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of the country's independence) another seventy people were killed in incidents of sectarian violence.


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