scholarly journals CHINA AND ITS INTERESTS IN LATIN AMERICA

It is a reflection article based on a bibliographic review. Its objective is to analyze the Chinese political and economic interest in Latin America, especially, to examine Chinese investments in the strategic sectors in Venezuela, Brazil, Argentina, and Ecuador. The article reaches three conclusions that help to understand this influence: first, the influence of China was possible by the political withdrawal of the governments of the United States; second, China's growing need to supply its raw material industries; and third, the generation of debtors that would be linked to China for many years, in some cases, the payments were scheduled to finish in a couple of decades. Within these elements, China's influence over the region has developed, increased, and strengthened.

2020 ◽  
pp. 003232172096235
Author(s):  
Daniel Rueda

The political-strategic approach is one of the most employed frameworks within the methodologically heterogeneous subfield of populism studies. In the last two decades, it has contributed to the analysis of populism both in Latin America and the United States and, more recently, in Western and Eastern Europe. That being said, a close inspection of its axioms and its conceptualization of the phenomenon shows that it is built on ill-conceived premises. This article intends to be a comprehensive critique of the approach that can contribute to the methodological progress of the field. It criticizes the three main dysfunctions of the approach: selective rationalism, leader-centrism, and normative bias.


2014 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 808-828 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua Simon

The disparities in per-capita wealth and national productivity that divide the United States and Latin America today have often been understood as results of institutional variations introduced during each region's period of imperial rule. According to this interpretation, path-dependent processes preserved institutions installed by Britain, Spain, and Portugal across the centuries, propagating their positive or negative economic effects, and eventually producing a marked “development gap” in the hemisphere. This article aims to improve this account by highlighting the direct and indirect economic effects of the success or failure of the political unions establishedafterindependence in both the United States and Latin America. It demonstrates that influential political theorists throughout the hemisphere understood the developmental advantages to be gained from unifying former colonies and employing the political authority newly at their disposal to abolish the stifling institutional legacies of European rule, suggesting that if Spanish America's unions had endured, or conversely, if the United States had collapsed, the two regions' economies might not have diverged as dramatically as they subsequently did. This illustrates an important contribution that the emerging subfield of “comparative political theory” can make to comparative political science in general, and to the new institutionalism in particular, by providing uniquely direct insight into the choices available to political actors in consequential moments of institutional genesis and change, and revealing the contingency of institutional variations that might otherwise appear inevitable.


2015 ◽  
pp. 25-29
Author(s):  
A. A. Orlov

The article analyzes the political processes taking place in Latin America. The author pays special attention to the increase of tension in some countries on the continent, especially in Venezuela, Argentina and Brazil. He comes to the conclusion that the United States, who have distanced themselves from Latin America’s affairs in recent years, head for «reformatting» of the continent under its own interest, that can have a serious destabilizing effect.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 261-270 ◽  
Author(s):  
Flavia Laviosa

In this interview Alfredo Baldi, historian of the Centro Sperimentale di Cinematografia (CSC) in Rome, gives a detailed overview of the political, cultural and artistic reasons for the prevalent presence of students from about 100 countries and six continents in all the specializations offered at the CSC in Rome (directing, photography, set design and acting), since its foundation in 1935. More specifically, Baldi explains why the CSC was popular in the 1930s and 1940s among students from the Axis nations in pre-war Europe, mentions the fascination of world artists with Italian neorealism, attributes international interest of the CSC to the artistic reputation of the film professionals who taught at the CSC and expresses his interpretation of the reasons for the large numbers of students from Greece, the Arab nations, Latin America and the United States in the 1950s and 1960s. Since its foundation, the CSC has granted diplomas at the end of the two- or three-year cycle of studies, but starting in the 2021–24 academic cycle, it will grant university degrees. Baldi explains what led to this critical and long overdue academic and administrative shift.


2009 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 375-395 ◽  
Author(s):  
Moon-Kie Jung

AbstractIn the past two decades, migration scholars have revised and revitalized assimilation theory to study the large and growing numbers of migrants from Latin America, Asia, and the Caribbean and their offspring in the United States. Neoclassical and segmented assimilation theories seek to make sense of the current wave of migration that differs in important ways from the last great wave at the turn of the twentieth century and to overcome the conceptual shortcomings of earlier theories of assimilation that it inspired. This article examines some of the central assumptions and arguments of the new theories. In particular, it undertakes a detailed critique of their treatment of race and finds that they variously engage in suspect comparisons to past migration from Europe; read out or misread the qualitatively different historical trajectories of European and non-European migrants; exclude native-born Blacks from the analysis; fail to conceptually account for the key changes that are purported to facilitate “assimilation”; import the dubious concept of the “underclass” to characterize poor urban Blacks and others; laud uncritically the “culture” of migrants; explicitly or implicitly advocate the “assimilation” of migrants; and discount the political potential of “oppositional culture.” Shifting the focus fromdifferencetoinequalityanddomination, the article concludes with a brief proposal for reorienting our theoretical approach, fromassimilationto thepolitics of national belonging.


2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 197-209
Author(s):  
Alexandra G. Koval ◽  
Mikhail I. Sorokin

Venezuela suffers currently from a deep economic and political crisis. China, being significant partner for Venezuela, has recently increased its presence on the Venezuelan market. The study reveals the distinguishing features of modern Chinese-Venezuelan economic relations. It analyzes China's foreign economic strategy in Latin America and identifies the trends in trade, investment and finance relations between China and Venezuela. The conclusion is made that the Chinese strategy in Venezuela is not based on the concept of South - South cooperation, but it more relates to the North - South approach. At the same time, the political factor plays an increasingly significant role in the development of relationship between states from a perspective of escalation of the confrontation between the United States and China. The possible scenarios and consequences of the Venezuelan political crisis for China are identified and certain comparisons with Russia are presented.


2021 ◽  
pp. 181-204
Author(s):  
Luis Roniger

This chapter provides an interpretation of the regional “appeal” of the Pink Tide in Latin America and its more recent deceleration. It details the legitimation strategies of Hugo Chávez and Chavismo, the political project, movement, and regime led by Chávez, along with his regional allies and successors. The chapter suggests that in legitimizing that political project, Chávez addressed the expectations of wide sectors in the Americas, whose voice he claimed to express. By relying on long-existing visions of “Nuestramerican” (Our American) solidarity and providing material assistance to allies, he invigorated the sense of transnational connection for millions of people in the Americas. This layer of regime legitimacy also provided the basis for Chávez’s global realignment and served his foreign policy of defying the hegemony of the United States and its allies. The chapter reconstructs the rise and partial erosion of the encompassing narrative of transnational solidarity and its political implications for regional dynamics.


2014 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 11-33
Author(s):  
Korstanje Maximiliano

Abstract Why do the United States reserve the right to be called “America” by conferring the “Americas” to the whole continent?, is that a clear sign of discrimination or supremacy or both? Ideologically, America refers to the United States of “America” excluding other regions such as Latin America, central or South America. This leads some scholars to explain convincingly that, beyond this subtle grammatical difference, the Anglo-ethnocentrism in the United States has been drawn to make their citizens believe they are unique, outstanding, and special. Basically, this belief allowed not only to fight against the political enemies in Europe or in any other geographical point, but also to control the incipient worker union leaderships. What merits further attention, anyway, is the sentiment of exemplarity instilled by the founding parents of this nation. Fear was historically a mechanism of control employed by US governments at different stages in several ways. Our intention is not only to review how the fear disciplined by the claims of work-force, but also explain why the sentiment of exemplarity and fear are inextricably intertwined.


Cadernos Pagu ◽  
2015 ◽  
pp. 115-140
Author(s):  
Felicity Amaya Schaeffer

This article explores the ways the foreign emerges as a fantasy of mobility in the Cybermarriage Industry uniting Mexican and Colombian women with U.S. men. While some women use the marketing of their bodies as passionate and erotic to attract opportunities such as marriage with U.S. men, Internet scholars during the 1990s celebrated the Internet as a utopian space for enacting oneself outside the limitations of the physical body. These theories, I argue, lack an analysis of the state and the political economy in their post-body analysis of Internet exchanges.


1979 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-234 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander J. Groth

Among influential writers in the field of political development and comparative politics in the last two decades few have excelled Samuel P. Huntington. With a prudent economy of basic concepts, Huntington has addressed a variety of political problems in many different kinds of societies. His work has been germane to the issues of power and morality, revolution, stability, violence, corruption, participation, and, above all, the political implications of social change. In a challenging and encyclopedic manner, Huntington has managed to relate his ideas to the experiences of Africa, Asia, Latin America, Europe, and the United States, enriching the conceptual insights of diverse area specialists and providing interesting theoretical linkages for seemingly very different and singular social and political worlds. Acknowledging all this, one nevertheless may (and this writer would say “must”) question the basic premise of Huntington's understanding of politics: both theoretically and practically.


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