EXPECTATIONS AND PREDICTABILITY OF THE ACCUMULATED COOPERATION EXPERIENCE: KAZAKHSTAN AND UZBEKISTAN

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 067-078
Author(s):  
Zhansaya Sembayeva ◽  
Zarema Shaymordanova

The authors present their attempt at rethinking the development of interaction between Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan against the background of a change in political elites in both countries. The interaction of the two countries, which received a new impetus after several years of stagnation, is viewed as a factor of partnership, which, in turn, can be considered the first step towards full-fledged integration. The accumulated experience demonstrates that the intensification of international cooperation between Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan is an objective process with its own logic. This process, analyzed on the basis of empirical, general scientific and general logical research methods, has both positive and negative aspects. The data obtained in the course of in-person and correspondence questionnaires (100 respondents from Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan each) allowed to formulate ​​the expectations of both the expert community and the wider circles for subsequent manifestations of the accumulated cooperation experience in the process of changing political elites and generations, and the subsequent transformation of public consciousness. The authors believe that the historical moment will come in the course of the generational change when the process of consolidation of the Central Asian countries will become natural, practically spontaneous and recognized.

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 47-59
Author(s):  
Elena Garbuzarova

After gaining independence in 1991, the Central Asian states, which had no experience in conducting independent foreign policy activities, began to build their own foreign policy coordinate system and develop its conceptual framework. Given their unique geopolitical position and diverse resource potential, the regional states preferred to pursue an open and multi-vector foreign policy, which allowed them to realize their national interests. With regard to the transformational processes in global politics and economy, as well as the geopolitical characteristics of their states, the political elites of the regional states have developed their own approaches to foreign policy. The article analyzes the doctrinal foundations of the Central Asian countries’ foreign policy, and the influence of global factors on the foreign policy formation of the regional states and intraregional cooperation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Oleg KARPOVICH

Following the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the new Central Asian independent states of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan replaced the Soviet republics of Central (Sredniaia) Asia and Kazakhstan. By the time they gained independence, these countries had already developed specific mechanisms of governance: The Communist Party and state structures had relied, to a great extent, on certain regional clan principles of decision-making inherited from their distant past. The new states immediately declared that they would strive to build Western-style political systems. They elected their presidents and parliaments, set up judicial systems, yet the political elites proved unable to realize the democratic standards of the West they supported in words. Over the course of three decades, heads of state, who dominated and still remain the dominant figures in their countries and are responsible for domestic and foreign policies have replaced each other without any real competition. None of the regional states can boast of competitive presidential elections. On the other hand, even though their political development may have external similarities, there are still numerous differences rooted in their very different past, cultures and mentalities. The regional clan division, swept under the carpet during the Soviet period, was revived as an important and highly influential feature. Kazakhstan was divided into zhuzes; Kyrgyzstan is in the midst of an ongoing regional confrontation between the South and the North; in Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan regional clans have gradually gained a lot of political weight. This means that the leaders of all Central Asian countries had no choice but to take into account the interests of groups and clans and the ties between different tribes, which inevitably affected the principles of governance and choice of officials. The personal characteristics of leaders who came to power after the Soviet Union had left the stage and their interpretations of the ongoing processes played a huge role in regional developments, the relationships between the regional states, the regional balance of power and the political situation. Today, all the above-mentioned countries with the exception of Tajikistan, have elected new presidents either amid domestic political turmoil or through a power transit within the same group. This means that in all Central Asian countries presidential elections are not seen as an instrument of change of power but, rather, as an instrument of remaining in power. The complicated economic situation, the non-regional actors that put pressure on the local political elites and, recently, the COVID-19 pandemic, which intensified the social and economic problems, did nothing positive for the political and economic stability in Central Asia.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 024-035
Author(s):  
Elena Garbuzarova

Since gaining independence in 1991, the Central Asian countries have embarked on state building with regard for the experience of developed countries. During the political modernization process, the countries of Central Asia heeded great attention to the constitution. The political elites in power have enshrined the separation of powers between the government branches in the basic law. At the same time, the institution of the president retained a special status in the state power system. This fact reflected the specifics of the development of new states, where the legislative body was absent or played an insignificant role for a prolonged time period. The president plays a major role in the political systems of the regional states (with the exception of Kyrgyzstan), which was manifested in his special status. As a result, a patron-client model has developed in the regional states, where the president acquires and maintains the loyalty of political elites through material incentives. Meanwhile, the regional countries were undergoing continuous constitutional reforms. The amendments to the fundamental law have been and are being used by the presidents of the Central Asian countries to maintain and reinforce their legitimacy. The need to solve this problem has increased in the context of a decline in economic growth and accumulated internal socio-economic problems. In 2020-2021, the coronavirus pandemic produced a negative impact. These challenges posed the task of implementing a new democratic transformation strategy for the executive authorities of the regional states, in particular, the expansion of powers in the legislative branch of government. At the present stage, a new balance of forces has emerged in Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, which involves a higher responsibility of the parliament and government for the implementation of socio-economic reforms. This afforded greater stability to the political regimes in these countries. In Tajikistan, a power centralization tendency has developed, and the position of the incumbent is being solidified. Hopes for carrying out structural economic reforms are pinned on the president. Kyrgyzstan has demonstrated a desire to develop parliamentarianism in order to prevent the development of authoritarian tendencies. However, the introduction of a parliamentary form of government did not lead to the solution of the country’s internal problems, primarily due to the continued enormous influence of informal institutions on the authorities. Major socio-economic problems faced by the Kyrgyz authorities in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic triggered another round of political tension in the country and ultimately led to a change of power and a transition to a presidential form of government. The changes introduced to the constitutions of the regional states create the appearance of the implementation of democratic principles and the use of procedures to improve the efficiency of the government. At the same time, institutional changes undermine socio-political stability, creating problems for further national development.


Author(s):  
Tokhir S. Kalandarov

Today there are hundreds of papers published on the problem of labor migration from Central Asian countries, its political, social and economic aspects, as well as on the problem of integration and adaptation of migrants in the Russian society. However, the topic of migrant poetry is still poorly studied in Russia. At least there is no such research on Tajik labor migrants. The genres of Tajik migrant poetry vary significantly and include such forms as love poems, political songs, songs about migration hardships, religious poems. This paper is based on the results of monitoring social networks «Odnoklassniki», «Facebook», as well as on the results of personal communication and interviews with poets. In the paper we use the poems of three authors written in Tajik, Russian and Shugnani languages. The semantic translation from Tajik and Shugnani was done by the author of this paper


2020 ◽  
pp. 72-79
Author(s):  
S. Gavrilova

For several decades, the European Union has been steadily increasing its presence in Central Asian countries. The EU's interests in the region are due to a number of reasons, including the desire to expand its influence in the Central Asian countries, the high importance of the region as a transit corridor between Europe and China, the prospects for economic cooperation, and the importance of the region's energy potential. In May 2019 The European Union has presented a new Strategy for Central Asia, designed to intensify cooperation in a number of areas of interaction. The new strategy is aimed at both implementing these interests and expanding cooperation in a number of other areas.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 110-121
Author(s):  
Karlygash MUKHTAROVA ◽  
Yermukhambet KONUSPAYEV ◽  
Klara MAKASHEVA ◽  
Karim SHAKIROV

Improving the forms and mechanisms of regional economic integration, deepening the mutual understanding on the formation of an economically and politically secure integrated space, expanding trade and economic relations, elaborating joint actions to maintain regional peace and stability, creating a single information space are among the key areas that have become the basis of cooperation among the Central Asian region (CAR) states. The authors reveal the positive aspects of cooperation among the CAR countries—Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, and Tajikistan. First and foremost, these include common historical roots, linguistic and cultural similarity, convenient geographical location and established economic ties, which allow the states of Central Asia (CA) to establish a deeper and more active understanding of each other, to solve economic and political problems related to finding and realizing domestic investment potential and expanding regional trade and economic ties. The joint establishment of international transport corridors and infrastructure will help reduce the transport costs for Central Asian countries that supply export products to external markets, which is an important area of ​​cooperation in Central Asia. In addition, the economic problems that exist among the regional countries largely determine the nature of relations between them. Future solution of problems determines the subsequent viability of the Central Asian Regional Economic Cooperation (CAREC) and the regional development prospects. Based on the use of economic research tools, the authors examine the problems caused by the COVID-19 pandemic and their impact on the state of trade and economic relations between the regional states. Post-crisis plans for economic recovery in the Central Asian countries will be developed and implemented in the context of the need to solve the present-day problems associated with the gradual lifting of quarantine measures. In this regard, the quickest possible transition of economies to an upward growth trajectory should launch the expansion of trade and economic cooperation and ties among the Central Asian countries. The authors emphasize the fact that another important problem within CAREC is the fact that CAR economies are dominated by raw materials, which does not solve the problems of reducing social inequality and improving the welfare of the regional population. For this reason, Kazakhstan, like other Central Asian countries, is currently in search of a new economic model. The transformation is crucial because the country needs to overcome its excessive long-term dependence on the export of oil and raw materials. The new economic model should be focused on further industrialization and diversification of the economy, on the search for new innovative approaches and development strategies.


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