scholarly journals THE FOREIGN POLICY OF THE CENTRAL ASIAN COUNTRIES: THE RESULTS OF 30 YEARS OF DEVELOPMENT

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 47-59
Author(s):  
Elena Garbuzarova
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Policy Formation ◽  
Global Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Resource Potential ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
Central Asian Countries

After gaining independence in 1991, the Central Asian states, which had no experience in conducting independent foreign policy activities, began to build their own foreign policy coordinate system and develop its conceptual framework. Given their unique geopolitical position and diverse resource potential, the regional states preferred to pursue an open and multi-vector foreign policy, which allowed them to realize their national interests. With regard to the transformational processes in global politics and economy, as well as the geopolitical characteristics of their states, the political elites of the regional states have developed their own approaches to foreign policy. The article analyzes the doctrinal foundations of the Central Asian countries’ foreign policy, and the influence of global factors on the foreign policy formation of the regional states and intraregional cooperation.

CENTRAL ASIA: THE BUMPY ROAD TOWARDS POLITICAL MATURITY

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Oleg KARPOVICH
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Central Asia ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
Central Asian Countries

Following the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the new Central Asian independent states of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan replaced the Soviet republics of Central (Sredniaia) Asia and Kazakhstan. By the time they gained independence, these countries had already developed specific mechanisms of governance: The Communist Party and state structures had relied, to a great extent, on certain regional clan principles of decision-making inherited from their distant past. The new states immediately declared that they would strive to build Western-style political systems. They elected their presidents and parliaments, set up judicial systems, yet the political elites proved unable to realize the democratic standards of the West they supported in words. Over the course of three decades, heads of state, who dominated and still remain the dominant figures in their countries and are responsible for domestic and foreign policies have replaced each other without any real competition. None of the regional states can boast of competitive presidential elections. On the other hand, even though their political development may have external similarities, there are still numerous differences rooted in their very different past, cultures and mentalities. The regional clan division, swept under the carpet during the Soviet period, was revived as an important and highly influential feature. Kazakhstan was divided into zhuzes; Kyrgyzstan is in the midst of an ongoing regional confrontation between the South and the North; in Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan regional clans have gradually gained a lot of political weight. This means that the leaders of all Central Asian countries had no choice but to take into account the interests of groups and clans and the ties between different tribes, which inevitably affected the principles of governance and choice of officials. The personal characteristics of leaders who came to power after the Soviet Union had left the stage and their interpretations of the ongoing processes played a huge role in regional developments, the relationships between the regional states, the regional balance of power and the political situation. Today, all the above-mentioned countries with the exception of Tajikistan, have elected new presidents either amid domestic political turmoil or through a power transit within the same group. This means that in all Central Asian countries presidential elections are not seen as an instrument of change of power but, rather, as an instrument of remaining in power. The complicated economic situation, the non-regional actors that put pressure on the local political elites and, recently, the COVID-19 pandemic, which intensified the social and economic problems, did nothing positive for the political and economic stability in Central Asia.

ROLE OF CONSTITUTIONAL REFORMS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF CENTRAL ASIAN COUNTRIES

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 024-035
Author(s):  
Elena Garbuzarova
Keyword(s):  
Economic Reforms ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
Economic Problems ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
Constitutional Reforms ◽  
Central Asian Countries ◽  
The Government

Since gaining independence in 1991, the Central Asian countries have embarked on state building with regard for the experience of developed countries. During the political modernization process, the countries of Central Asia heeded great attention to the constitution. The political elites in power have enshrined the separation of powers between the government branches in the basic law. At the same time, the institution of the president retained a special status in the state power system. This fact reflected the specifics of the development of new states, where the legislative body was absent or played an insignificant role for a prolonged time period. The president plays a major role in the political systems of the regional states (with the exception of Kyrgyzstan), which was manifested in his special status. As a result, a patron-client model has developed in the regional states, where the president acquires and maintains the loyalty of political elites through material incentives. Meanwhile, the regional countries were undergoing continuous constitutional reforms. The amendments to the fundamental law have been and are being used by the presidents of the Central Asian countries to maintain and reinforce their legitimacy. The need to solve this problem has increased in the context of a decline in economic growth and accumulated internal socio-economic problems. In 2020-2021, the coronavirus pandemic produced a negative impact. These challenges posed the task of implementing a new democratic transformation strategy for the executive authorities of the regional states, in particular, the expansion of powers in the legislative branch of government. At the present stage, a new balance of forces has emerged in Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, which involves a higher responsibility of the parliament and government for the implementation of socio-economic reforms. This afforded greater stability to the political regimes in these countries. In Tajikistan, a power centralization tendency has developed, and the position of the incumbent is being solidified. Hopes for carrying out structural economic reforms are pinned on the president. Kyrgyzstan has demonstrated a desire to develop parliamentarianism in order to prevent the development of authoritarian tendencies. However, the introduction of a parliamentary form of government did not lead to the solution of the country’s internal problems, primarily due to the continued enormous influence of informal institutions on the authorities. Major socio-economic problems faced by the Kyrgyz authorities in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic triggered another round of political tension in the country and ultimately led to a change of power and a transition to a presidential form of government. The changes introduced to the constitutions of the regional states create the appearance of the implementation of democratic principles and the use of procedures to improve the efficiency of the government. At the same time, institutional changes undermine socio-political stability, creating problems for further national development.

scholarly journals Results of the Presidential Elections in Uzbekistan: The Economic and Political Course of Sh. Mirziyoyev

2021 ◽  
pp. 97-114
Author(s):  
E. Ionova
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Economic Reforms ◽  
Social Program ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
The Social ◽  
Central Asian Countries ◽  
The Republic

The main result of the presidential elections in Uzbekistan held on October 24, 2021 was that President Sh. Mirziyoyev received a mandate to further implement his economic and political course which provisions were set out in his election program. In the elections opponents of the president, representing in general pro-government parties, were unable to provide an effective alternative to the president's program, which, moreover, accumulated many of their proposals. In the next five years, the republic which economy is the fastest growing in Central Asia will face further economic reforms. Their effect will largely depend on the objective conditions associated primarily with the pandemic. The social program of the president, if it is actually implemented, can help smooth out the negative consequences of market reforms. Mirziyoyev’s foreign policy reflected new geopolitical landmarks of the Central Asian countries, including Afghanistan and Turkey. At the same time, the development of relations between Uzbekistan and Russia is increasing, indicating the desire of Tashkent under the leadership of Mirziyoyev to maintain balance in relations with leading foreign policy players. As a result, it can be stated that today the President of Uzbekistan has strong positions both within the country and abroad.

scholarly journals SOME ISSUES PERIODIZATION OF CHINA'S FOREIGN POLICY

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kamchat Zhumabaeva ◽  
Marzhan Sapanova
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
World Order ◽  
Mao Zedong ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
Political Traditions ◽  
China’S Foreign Policy ◽  
Central Asian Countries

The article deals with some issues of periodization of China's foreign policy, political traditions and modern foreign policy concepts of China in the relations of Central Asian countries. The authors define the foreign policy priorities of the People’s Republic of China from ancient times to the present. Traditionally, China deals with conflicts through informal mechanisms of reconciliation and consent, as close as possible to the form of discussion. The fundamental principles of Confucianism, projected on the system of relations between China and the outside world, "vertical connections" in international relations, which characterized from the highest to the lowest. Under Mao Zedong, the Chinese leadership developed a foreign policy of independence and self-reliance, aimed at combating foreign interference and hegemony. Today, China is becoming the center of a dynamically developing region of the Asia-Pacific region. In addition, China has a reliable geopolitical base to play the role of a natural center of attraction for the surrounding countries and peoples, which in addition to the countries of East Asia include South Asian and Central Asian countries. In the new world order, an ethnic communitycementedthe formation of "Greater China" is understood as economic unity.

EXPECTATIONS AND PREDICTABILITY OF THE ACCUMULATED COOPERATION EXPERIENCE: KAZAKHSTAN AND UZBEKISTAN

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 067-078
Author(s):  
Zhansaya Sembayeva ◽  
Zarema Shaymordanova
Keyword(s):  
Political Elites ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
Generational Change ◽  
Subsequent Transformation ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
Public Consciousness ◽  
General Scientific ◽  
Central Asian Countries ◽  
Historical Moment ◽  
Expert Community

The authors present their attempt at rethinking the development of interaction between Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan against the background of a change in political elites in both countries. The interaction of the two countries, which received a new impetus after several years of stagnation, is viewed as a factor of partnership, which, in turn, can be considered the first step towards full-fledged integration. The accumulated experience demonstrates that the intensification of international cooperation between Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan is an objective process with its own logic. This process, analyzed on the basis of empirical, general scientific and general logical research methods, has both positive and negative aspects. The data obtained in the course of in-person and correspondence questionnaires (100 respondents from Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan each) allowed to formulate ​​the expectations of both the expert community and the wider circles for subsequent manifestations of the accumulated cooperation experience in the process of changing political elites and generations, and the subsequent transformation of public consciousness. The authors believe that the historical moment will come in the course of the generational change when the process of consolidation of the Central Asian countries will become natural, practically spontaneous and recognized.

Japan’s Central Asia Policy Revisited: National Identity, Interests, and Foreign Policy Discourses

2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (5) ◽  
pp. 853-867
Author(s):  
Sabina Insebayeva
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Central Asia ◽  
Policy Formulation ◽  
Policy Discourse ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Policy Initiatives ◽  
Policy Choices ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
Central Asian Countries

AbstractThis article focuses on the nature of Japan’s foreign policy formulation and legitimization through a study of its interaction with Central Asian countries. The article examines foreign policy discourse that constructs Japan’s “self” vis-à-vis Central Asian “other.” It reveals the textual mechanism through which reality, objects, and subjects are constructed, and it interprets the official statements contained in several foreign policy initiatives, in particular, the “Eurasian (Silk Road) Diplomacy,” the “Central Asia plus Japan,” and the “Arc of Freedom and Prosperity,” as an attempt to understand the intersubjective knowledge and analytical lens through which Japanese foreign policy makers conceive and interpret the constructed “reality,” produce foreign policy choices, and choose among identified alternatives.

scholarly journals Foreign Policy of Contemporary Uzbekistan

2021 ◽  
pp. 121-134
Author(s):  
R. Makhmudov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Regional Level ◽  
Conceptual Level ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
Strategic Cooperation ◽  
Central Asian Countries

The ongoing reforms in Uzbekistan constitute a large-scale program of transformation of the key principles of the country’s development. The reforms are especially focused on the economy and this is reflected in Uzbekistan’s foreign policy, which is increasingly acquiring the features of “economization”. The strengthening of the trend towards economization is closely linked with the development of such a new component of Uzbek diplomacy as soft power, which is already showing its effectiveness at the regional level, bringing economic dividends as well. At the conceptual level, Uzbekistan's modern foreign policy creates the phenomenon of “multidimensional strategic cooperation,” which in turn puts the dominant view on the foreign policy of the Central Asian countries as multi-vector in question.

scholarly journals Eurasian Vector of Foreign Policy of the Republic of Korea: the Factor of Central Asia

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 70-87
Author(s):  
M. A. Bulanakova
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Central Asia ◽  
Research Result ◽  
Republic Of Korea ◽  
Necessary Condition ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
Central Asian Countries ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Northern Policy

The article studies the role of cooperation between the Republic of Korea and Central Asian countries in the context of a continental strategy for Korea’s New Northern policy. The authors consider the main political discourses of the continental policy of the Republic of Korea, such as the problem of resolving the “Korean issue”, the problem of balancing interests in the East Asian region, and the problem of diversifying traditional partnerships. Korea’s foreign policy is interpreted within the framework of the “middle power” concept. An important part of the study is the analysis of cooperation between RoK and Central Asia both on a multilateral and bilateral basis. It is obvious that uneven two-way interaction of Korea with the Central Asian countries, encourages the RoK to implement specific projects relevant to the partners, at the same time, the RoK uses multilateral cooperation, to predict the cooperation prospects in the most relevant areas of cooperation — health, environment, digital policy. Attracting data of the current situation in the region and the world, the author notes important changes in the foreign policy of RoK, first of all, the ODA strengthening as an important tool for strengthening Korea in a specific region, as an important resource for solving problems of the pandemic COVID-19 impact. As the research result, the author comes to the conclusion that the implementation of the Eurasian vector in Korea’s foreign policy is a natural and necessary condition for the further development of Korea as a regional and global player. Cooperation with Central Asia is a priority resource for developing RoK’s international influence and an important component of the new Northern policy.

PAKISTAN'S PARTNERSHIP RELATIONS WITH CENTRAL ASIAN COUNTRIES AT THE PRESENT TIME

2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 44-53
Author(s):  
Nazar Xayitov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Central Asia ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
Central Asian Countries

This article analyzes the current foreign policy of Pakistan in Central Asia and condition of its relations with the countries of the region. The prospects for this relationship are also highlighted in various ongoing cooperation projects.

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