scholarly journals SOCIALIZATION OF STATE PROSECUTORS IN SOLVING CIVIL CASES OUTSIDE THE COURT IN THE WORKING AREA OF THE STATE PROSECUTORS OF CENTRAL ACEH

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 42-48
Author(s):  
Adenan Sitepu

The socialization activity for the duties of the state attorney general in the Takengon area. It is base on observations and interviews conducted with the public and government institutions, which show a common understanding of the prosecutor's duties in representing the state regarding the settlement of cases outside the court in the civil sector. Considering the large number of civil cases currently going to court and requiring a long time to wait for a decision, the non-litigation method of resolving cases is a very efficient and effective alternative when viewed from the benefits obtained. The purpose of restoring state finances can realize. The solution offered by the Datun team in overcoming these problems is to carry out socialization activities on the duties and functions of state attorneys in the non-litigation settlement mechanism to the public and government institutions.

2019 ◽  
Vol 83 (4) ◽  
pp. 749-781
Author(s):  
Mike Gruszczynski

Abstract  This research examines the extent to which partisan agenda fragmentation is occurring within the American public. Though numerous scholars of public opinion and political communication have warned of the deleterious effects of agenda fragmentation, to this point such fragmentation has been demonstrated only across a small number of issues over short periods of time. This research is the first to utilize both a large set of issues and a long time frame to assess the state of partisan agendas from 1959 to 2015 through the use of individual-level Gallup’s “Most Important Problem” polls. Findings show that the public agenda has fragmented on a large number of issues, in terms of both the level of and shifts in attention that partisans accord to issues of the day. Additionally, this research highlights the importance of recent increases in agenda diversity and carrying capacity to fragmentation, demonstrating that while the presence of large, obtrusive issues tends to be associated with correspondence in partisan agendas, the ordering of partisan issue agendas has decoupled substantially in recent decades.


Author(s):  
Aleksandr Solov'ev ◽  
Galina Pushkareva

As digital technologies develop, a new form of relations between the state and the public is developing as well. Additional opportunities for the expression of public interests and the establishment of values preferred by the society arise, new mechanisms of political mobilization develop, new forms of public organization and self-organization emerge, the social media gain more power, and local and general public narrative develop on a number of online platforms. With the digitization of the public space, the state is forced to change its communication strategies and improve the dialogue between the government and the society based on deliberative democracy principles. After analysing the architecture of public communication emerging in new conditions the paper concludes that Russia is making certain efforts to adapt for the new digitized reality. However, current state priorities are shifting towards e-government and the digital economy. On the one hand, it seems justified, as it allows to bring the public services to a completely new level, reduce corruption risks, and simplify state management of economic processes. On the other hand, the lack of due attention to the issues of openness of public administration and involvement of citizens in making public decisions results in accumulation of contradictions in the public area of public administration, as well as increasing mutual misunderstanding and distrust between the state bodies and the civil society, which may entail bursts of social discontent and protests.


Author(s):  
Sergey Gavrilov ◽  
◽  
Diana Azizova

Introduction. The study is devoted to the analysis of modern integration processes in the context of the state social policy implementation, taking the specifics of the public policy space in the macroregional dimension into account. The research problem is to clarify the optimal predictive scenarios for the development of the integration of public government institutions in the decision-making process aimed at the formation of social policy in the South of Russia. Methodology and methods. The study was conducted in the context of two methodological foundations (structural functionalism as interpreted by T. Parsons and M. Olson’s theory of collective action). The choice of methodological tools is due to the presence of two components in the object of analysis – the functional process of implementing social policy and the communicative nature of institutional integration. Quantitative content analysis is used to clarify the priorities of the socio-political development of the southern Russia regions. The sources and materials of the study were official documents (strategies for the socio-economic development of the southern Russia regions), reports on the implementation of state programs, as well as materials of state statistics of the Russian Federation. Analysis. The modern political and communicative environment in Russia is characterized by the public sphere transformation in the context of constitutional changes and modernization reforms. Social policy is presented as a product that addresses a fundamental function – the achievement of social welfare. Regionalization of Russia determines the direction and form of communications regarding the implementation of social policy. At the same time, in the southern Russia regions, a positive practice of integration interaction is recorded in the form of the adoption of a fundamentally new document “social code”, which unites many social practices. Results. Based on the results of the study, it was revealed that the existing practices of regional integration are based on replicating the best practices in the South of Russia. The formation of state social policy in the macro-regional dimension is based on the implementation of federal target programs and state projects. At the same time, each of the regions has its own request for the formation of social policy priorities, which allows them to be segmented into two groups: regions with existing infrastructure for the development of the social sphere, as well as regions that systematize the best practices of social project management in order to form their own development infrastructure.


2012 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-250
Author(s):  
H.A. Kartiwa

Accountability is an obligation embodiment of government institutions to take responsibility for the success and failure of their mission. Implementation of accountability through a strategic approach, which will accommodate the rapid changes occurring in the organization and quickly adapt to changes as the demands anticipatory stakeholders concerned. Implementation of accountability and the external examination itself is needed as one of the pillars for the creation of good governance and clean government. The democratic climate in public bureaucracies inspires trust and mutual trust between the government and the public. A clear division of powers and a balance between the state creates a conducive atmosphere to the built of the nation and the state.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dominika Kaniecka

The people against Oliver Frljić, or Poland after The CurseIn the spring of 2017, the play entitled The Curse, directed by Oliver Frljić premiered at one of Warsaw theatres. It was not the first attempt to perform in Poland on the part of the Croatian director, well known as a controversial artist whose plays discuss social and political issues. His previous appearances on Polish stages usually evoked an air of scandal. The content of The Curse, too, had its producers investigated by the state prosecutors soon after its premiere; and blasphemy and incitement to crime in the theatre were discussed in the public sphere. The Curse is a loose adaptation of Stanisław Wyspiański’s drama, originally written in 1899. It deals provocatively with questions about modern religiousness and non-religiousness, touching upon relations between the Polish Catholic Church and the state, and upon national identity in contemporary Poland.This paper is focused on reactions to Frljić’s play, especially on different ways of expressing public anger as the most frequent reaction; it shows how politicians, members of religious and nationalist groups and other protesters became part of the performance. It aims to explain the success of one of the most scandalous theatrical ventures in Poland, describes the peculiarity of the Polish context, the dynamics of reaction of opponents and students of Frljić’s activities, and shows the lasting consequences as well as the performative potential of the Croatian director’s presence in the Polish public sphere. A very important circumstance in researching The Curse is that – as emphasized both in the performance itself and in the public debate – Polish national values were criticized by an outsider, in other words, by the Other.The article pays particular attention to two contexts: one is engaged theatre’s potential to transcend its own boundaries and influence the social and political reality; the other is the author’s personal participation in Frljić’s performance. Naród przeciwko Frljiciowi albo Polska po KlątwieWiosną 2017 roku w jednym z warszawskich teatrów premierę miał spektakl Klątwa w reżyserii Olivera Frljicia. To nie był debiut reżysera w Polsce, jego poprzednim działaniom na polskich scenach towarzyszyła atmosfera skandalu. Frljić jest znany jako kontrowersyjny artysta, którego sztuka dotyka sprawa społecznych i politycznych. Wkrótce po premierze prokuratura wszczęła postępowanie przeciwko realizatorom spektaklu, w związku z jego treścią; namawianie do zbrodni i bluźnierstwo w teatrze zdominowały dyskusje w sferze publicznej. Klątwa to luźna adaptacja dramatu Wyspiańskiego, napisana w 1899 roku. Prowokuje pytaniami o współczesną religijność i niereligijność, dotyka relacji między Kościołem katolickim a państwem, porusza także kwestie związane z tożsamością narodową we współczesnej Polsce.Artykuł koncentruje się na reakcjach na spektakl Olivera Frljicia, zwłaszcza na temat różnych sposobów wyrażania publicznego gniewu; pokazuje, jak politycy, członkowie grup religijnych i ugrupowań nacjonalistycznych oraz inni protestujący, stali się częścią przedstawienia. Tekst ma na celu wyjaśnienie sukcesu jednego z najbardziej skandalicznych przedsięwzięć teatralnych w Polsce, opisuje specyfikę polskiego kontekstu, dynamikę reakcji przeciwników i badaczy działań Frljicia, ale pokazuje także trwałe konsekwencje oraz performatywny potencjał obecności chorwackiego reżysera w polskiej sferze publicznej. Istotnym dla badań czynnikiem jest eksponowany i w spektaklu, i w debacie publicznej fakt, że polskie wartości narodowe zostały skrytykowane przez Innego/Obcego.Rozważania zostały przedstawione w kontekście oczywistego dla teatru zaangażowanego potencjału do przekraczania własnych granic, ingerowania w sprawy społeczne i polityczne, ale także w kontekście osobistego udziału autorki artykułu w spektaklu Frljića.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 84-88
Author(s):  
Aleksey S. Titov ◽  

The article is devoted to the review of legal problems related to the mechanism of administration of state institutions. The article examines the issues related to the civil status of state-owned institutions, as well as the issues of budgetary and legal regulation of the activities of state-owned institutions. The paper considers the legal basis for the use of budgetary funds by state institutions, the grounds and limits of civil and budgetary liability. Separately, the functions of state-owned institutions, the implementation of which is provided by the state, are highlighted.


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-105
Author(s):  
Oksana Kvasha ◽  
Zoia Zahynei ◽  
Mykola Shapoval ◽  
Oleksii Kurylo ◽  
Viktor Nikitenko

The issues of crimes commission in the sphere of banking activity in Ukraine are highlighted. It is emphasized that crimes in banking activity are systematically committed by the public officials of the state. Such actions committed by the public officials cause the losses to the Ukrainian economy in the specially big amount. In the last two years, the socially dangerous consequences of these acts for the state economy are calculated by hundreds of millions of hryvnias. The defendants of these resonant criminal cases are the heads of banking institutions and senior public officials, as well as the officials of the National Bank of Ukraine. Moreover, the losses of these crimes cannot be compensated to the state economy, since the money laundered are placed for a long time in offshore areas outside the state. The conclusion is fomulated that current criminal legislation of Ukraine should be amended. First, there is the social need for criminalization of the socially dangerous actions committed by the public officials in banking sphere. Second, the study of the criminal legislation of the separate countries demonstrates that criminal liability of the legal persons for commission of the criminal offences in the sphere of banking activity is an effective measure to prevent the negative effects of the criminal threats. So this liability should also be introduced in Ukraine. Third, negligent crimes in the sphere of banking activities should also be criminalized, because an absence of such criminal prohibilion leads to the negligent behavior of the bank managers and to the socially dangerous results.


Intizar ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 35
Author(s):  
Damiri Hasan

Tulisan ini mengkaji mengenai diskresi seponering. Seponering adalah hak istimewa Jaksa Agung untuk mengesampingkan perkara atau  memetieskan suatu perkara  karena alasan kepentingan umum setelah mendapat saran atau masukan dari institusi terkait dibidang hukum. Mensikapi tentang seponering kasus Bibit Samad Rianto dan Chandra Martha Hamzah dalam pandangan hukum pidana Islam itu adalah adil. Mengingat kedua orang tersebut sebagai pimpinan Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi yang mempunyai tugas berat dan besar. Namun sebagai muslim memberi catatan khusus bahwa pertama, Bibit Samad Rianto dan Chandra Martha Hamzah harus mengembalikan semua uang hasil korupsi kepada negara, kedua Bibit Samad Rianto dan Chandra Martha harus minta maaf kepada publik melalui media dan berjanji tidak akan mengulangi perbuatan itu. This article examines the Seponering discretion. Seponering is the privilege of the Attorney General to override or freeze a court case for reasons of public interest after getting feedback from the relevant institutions in the field of law. In response about Seponering case of Bibit and Chandra Martha Hamzah in the view of Islamic criminal law is fair. Considering that the two men are the leaders of the Corruption Eradication Commission which have heavy and bulky duty. but Muslims, they are given a special note that first, Bibit and Chandra Martha Hamzah should return all the corruption money to the state, both Bibit and Chandra Martha have to apologize to the public through the media and vowed not to reiterate the act.


Lex Russica ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (9) ◽  
pp. 158-167
Author(s):  
K. Bechet-Golovko

The paper analyzes the legal institution of administrative quasi-judicial bodies in the Anglo-Saxon and continental European legal families. In general, administrative quasi-judicial bodies refer to bodies created by the state (the legislature or, as in the US, the president) for the purpose of regulating certain critical areas of activity (the economy and human rights), as well as for settling disputes out of court, when the state does not consider itself legitimate to intervene directly. For ideological reasons, this institution is more developed in the AngloSaxon countries, in which the mechanisms of deregulation, or the phenomenon of deetatization, are the norm of government. In the countries of the European-continental model, the state played a decisive role for a long time, which is why the spread of this institution began later and was carried out more slowly, mainly after the Second World War, when the state was discredited ideologically in favor of civil society. The relevance of these bodies to the state continues to give rise to many doctrinal disputes, especially in the context of their independence. The independence of quasi-judicial administrative bodies does not mean that they are irresponsible and that the state that creates them has no obligations. Moreover, all legal principles and guarantees of the independence and impartiality of justice are applied in the performance of judicial functions by these bodies. Here there is an ideological impasse: attempts to alienate justice from the state through the establishment of para-state judicial bodies will result either in their politicization or in their return to the public sphere.


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