scholarly journals Features Of Uzbekistan’s Experience In Ensuring Equal Rights Of Women And Men

Author(s):  
Shahnoza Nuritdinovna Gaffarova ◽  

This article examines the work done in recent years to ensure gender equality in the Republic of Uzbekistan. Views were expressed on the ratification by the Republic of Uzbekistan of international conventions and treaties on the protection of women’s rights and the implementation of the norms set out in these internationally recognized documents in national legislation. The legislation of Uzbekistan analyzes the norms for raising the issue of gender equality to the level of state policy and protecting women’s rights in normative legal acts. A number of scientific opinions on gender equality issues were cited. A number of practical problems on the issue of equality of women and men in the conditions of Uzbekistan were discussed, as well as some theoretical and practical proposals for their solution were proposed.

Author(s):  
Mahfuzakhon Khuja kizi Shamsieva

The article covers the history of women’s struggle for gender equality in the world and the work done in Uzbekistan to ensure women’s rights and freedoms after independence. In particular, the Declaration of the Rights of Women, adopted in the United States 150 years ago, defines “the history of women as the history of the constant domination of women by men”were analyzed by the helping scientific literatures and media materials as well. КEY WORDS: United Nations, gender equality, CEDAW Committee, Convention, Republic of Uzbekistan, Law, women, strategy.


Author(s):  
Marelle Leppik

The purpose of the article is to analyse the principle of gender equality laid down in the interwar Estonian constitutions and to study the relevant court cases at the highest level of appeal in the Supreme Court of the Republic of Estonia (1920–40). When Estonia granted equality rights with the constitution of 1920 and all citizens, men and women alike, were declared to be equal before the law, it placed Estonia among the vanguard of nations in Europe in support of gender equality. The amendment of the constitution in 1933 left the equality principle unchanged. In the new constitution, which went into effect in 1938, gender equality was extended to relations in marriage as well. In the twentieth century, the focus was not on the equality of genders as such, but rather on women’s equality compared to men, and the main question was how to improve women’s rights to gain the equality promised in the constitution. On 1 September 1924, the Grand Chamber of the Supreme Court made a judgment which could be considered the first important court case about women’s rights in Estonia. The Supreme Court issued a complaint submitted by a female lawyer, who challenged a lower court judgement that she – as a woman – was not suitable to be appointed to the position of judge candidate. According to the Supreme Court, the only constitutionally uniform solution that would support gender equality was that all persons – men and women – on the same grounds had the right to become a judge candidate and enter the judiciary in Estonia. However, the court system of the interwar independent Republic of Estonia remained traditionally masculine without any female judiciary, which is in turn indicative not so much of legal, but rather of pragmatic questions about social attitudes. The exploration of tensions in society engendered by the ambition to bring women into positions of authority and to grant women rights in the private family sphere as well, leads to two main conclusions. First, despite the formal equality that was granted by both constitutions of the Republic of Estonia adopted in 1920 and 1937, women’s efforts, e.g. opening the judiciary to women, were met with a degree of ironical resistance, and general emphasis on women’s rights even drew attention to presumable positive discrimination as well. Estonia’s foreign minister Ants Piip wrote an article in the magazine Constitutional Review about the first constitution of the Republic of Estonia in 1925: “It is interesting to note that despite this provision, many laws exist which protect women in industry, thereby discriminating favourably against men.” Since both the 1920 and the 1937 constitution granted gender equality in public, not in the private sphere, the traditional gap between women’s legal position and that of men generally remained unchanged in private family law. Thus, the Civil Chamber of the Supreme Court of the Republic of Estonia confirmed in 1937 that it was in accordance with the principle of gender equality to restrict the possibilities for married women compared to men to make a testament without any mandatory advisor. According to the court’s reasoning, the regulation was constitutional because the law of succession and the right to make a testament belonged not to the public but to the private sphere. Thereafter, female lawyers drew attention to the fact that a married woman could legally become a judge or a minister – at least it was not prohibited or excluded – and decide the fate of a nation, since this right belonged to the public sphere. And still at the same time, a married woman’s competence to transact in the private sphere was limited compared to men. However, the constitution that went into effect in 1937 brought some changes, since equality in marriage was additionally granted, for instance. Unfortunately, the implementation period of the new constitution was limited to about two years, thus there is no case law to confirm that the constitution brought specific changes in practice.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 47-59
Author(s):  
Maryna Ohanesian ◽  
Tamara Martsenyuk

In recent years, Ukraine has received more attention to the issues of masculinity, the position of men and their participation in activism in support of gender equality. In Ukraine, there are several men’s organizations and initiatives that support the ideas of gender equality: dad schools, men against violence, HeforShe Ukraine and HeforShe Congresses, profeminist schools for men, national networks of male leaders against violence, an international union of courageous dads, etc. Feminist public activists appear to talk about the benefits of gender equality. The men’s movement for gender equality in the world and in Ukraine is seen as focusing on either women’s rights or men’s rights. According to men’s movement researcher Michael Messner, institutional privileges and costs of masculinity are the aspects of the classification of male movements. As a result of the analysis of six in-depth interviews with Ukrainian activists of men’s movements, Michael Messner’s ideas were illustrated with examples from Ukrainian society. Factors involving men in men’s movements for gender equality differ depending on the type of the men’s movement. Women’s rights movements were characterized by awareness of cases of discrimination against women and a corresponding sense of solidarity and compassion. Movements for men’s rights – by awareness of cases of discrimination against men in their own experience, a sense of the need to respond to the movement for women’s rights, and the situation of men’s movements in Ukraine, i.e. factors that directly affect men. In addition, it has been found that there are common factors in involving men in women’s and men’s rights movements, such as the existence of a feminist movement, a sense of the need for change, and a desire to be involved in local or global change. Expert interviews have found that the use of personal experience is the most effective way to influence the level of men’s involvement in men’s movements for gender equality, including in Ukraine. Attention to real cases of gender discrimination against women will be perceived more sincerely and openly than statistics. Attention to real cases of gender discrimination against women will be perceived more sincerely and openly than statistics. In addition, it is important to demonstrate the experience of men who understand the benefits of gender equality for men as well. They, according to experts, will be able to serve as examples for other men to follow. Separately, experts noted the role of education in the desire to join the struggle of men for the idea of gender equality. Both non-formal education programs and formal education on equal rights and opportunities can be tools for introducing changes in men’s attitudes to discrimination.


This volume reframes the debate around Islam and women’s rights within a broader comparative literature. It examines the complex and contingent historical relationships between religion, secularism, democracy, law, and gender equality. Part I addresses the nexus of religion, law, gender, and democracy through different disciplinary perspectives (sociology, anthropology, political science, law). Part II localizes the implementation of this nexus between law, gender, and democracy, and provides contextualized responses to questions raised in Part I. The contributors explore the situation of Muslim women’s rights vis-à-vis human rights to shed light on gender politics in the modernization of the nation and to ponder over the role of Islam in gender inequality across different Muslim countries.


Author(s):  
Julie Miller

This book shows how a woman's desperate attempt at murder came to momentarily embody the anger and anxiety felt by many people at a time of economic and social upheaval and expanding expectations for equal rights. On the evening of November 1, 1843, a young household servant named Amelia Norman attacked Henry Ballard, a prosperous merchant, on the steps of the Astor House Hotel. Agitated and distraught, Norman had followed Ballard down Broadway before confronting him at the door to the hotel. Taking out a folding knife, she stabbed him. Ballard survived the attack, and the trial that followed created a sensation. Newspapers in New York and beyond followed the case eagerly, and crowds filled the courtroom every day. The prominent author and abolitionist Lydia Maria Child championed Norman and later included her story in her fiction and her writing on women's rights. Norman also attracted the support of politicians, journalists, and legal and moral reformers who saw her story as a vehicle to change the law as it related to “seduction” and to advocate for the rights of workers. This book describes how New Yorkers followed the trial for entertainment. Throughout all this, Norman gained sympathys, in particular the jury, which acquitted her in less than ten minutes. The book weaves together Norman's story to show how, in one violent moment, she expressed all the anger that the women of the emerging movement for women's rights would soon express in words.


The Son King ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 233-270
Author(s):  
Madawi Al-Rasheed

Chapter Six demonstrates how the Saudi regime’s nominal promotion of women’s rights is largely manipulation rather than real empowerment. State policy to empower women goes hand in hand with serious human rights abuses and repression of feminists and other activists. This chapter discusses the emerging feminist scene in Saudi Arabia and the struggle of women for equality and basic rights.


Author(s):  
Marziyeh Bakhshizadeh

This chapter offers an understanding of women's rights and gender equality based on three interpretations of Islam within the context of post-revolutionary Iran. The debate among different interpretations of Islam provides a foundation for the investigation of women's rights and gender equality in various readings of Islam not only in the regional dimensions of Iran, but also in the Islamic world. While some studies and academic discussions tend to use the term fundamentalism to refer to religious revival movements, particularly within Islamic traditions, such discussions often fail to distinguish reformist and other movements within Islam, therefore identifying all Islamic revival movements as fundamentalist or as part of fundamentalist movements.


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