To the issue of vaccine nationalism in COVID-19 era

Author(s):  
Ivan Yakovyuk ◽  
Oleksii Zhytynskyi

Problem setting. The new coronavirus pandemic is one of the greatest challenges in contemporary history, especially in the face of unprecedented globalization. Mankind has been waiting for almost a year since the beginning of the pandemic for the most effective way to fight against the virus – vaccines. Over the last two years, such concepts as “vaccine races”, “vaccine nationalism”, “vaccine diplomacy” have been spread in the international political and scientific discourse. However, in Ukraine these concepts have not become the subject of research yet. Analysis of recent researches and publications. The researched issues have not attracted the attention of Ukrainian scientific community yet, so the basis of our work consists of foreign scientists’ publications, which were, inter alia, done by L. Gruszczynski (Lukasz Gruszczynski), A. Filipovich (Aleksa Filipović), P. Hotez (Peter J. Hotez), I. Yanqiu Rachel Zhou, A. Kobieriecka, M. M. Kobieriecki, Z. Mammedyarov and some others. In addition to that, Academician of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine S. Komisarenko has studied the problems and prospects of creating Ukrainian vaccine against COVID-19, rightly noting that it is a matter of national security. The target of the research. The target of this research is to examine the content, the scope and genesis of “vaccine nationalism” concept, practical manifestations of this phenomenon as well as the relationship between vaccine diplomacy and vaccine nationalism. Article’s main body. Over the past two years, nation-states have resorted to policies of economic protectionism, and then to so-called “vaccine nationalism”, which we inclined to analyze in three guises: 1) “vaccine races” – at the stage of development and testing; 2) “vaccine egoism” – at the stage of contracting and use of vaccines; 3) the issue of mutual recognition of vaccines. Thus, the article examines the meaning of the concept of vaccine nationalism in its broadest sense. It has been emphasized, however, that vaccine nationalism is not a new phenomenon in international relations as a similar situation was observed, in particular, during the H1N1 pandemic. It has been also illustrated that vaccine nationalism usually characterizes the most economically developed states. Vaccine-producing countries to carry out their foreign policy tasks, as well as recipient countries to ensure their biological security resort to “vaccine diplomacy”. However, there is no unanimous scientific approach to the definition of both “vaccine diplomacy” and “vaccine nationalism” around the globe. It has been established that with the spread of COVID-19, protection of state sovereignty and national security has come to the fore in comparison with the obligation to cooperate and the principle of sovereign equality, which are jus cogens and erga omnes. On the other hand, “my nation first” policy is not directly prohibited by the letter of international law. Conclusions. In the modern world, there are simultaneous phenomena of globalization and deglobalization. Actually, to denote the trend of deglobalization in the field of countering COVID-19 such a concept as “vaccine nationalism” is used. The “vaccine race” can be seen as a rivalry between two political regimes: on the one hand, liberal democracy in the face of the United States and its allies, and on the other hand – states with authoritarian political regimes (China and Russia). However, geopolitical rivalry, the struggle for extension of spheres of influence can be an effective means of combating the pandemic in practice. The concept of vaccine nationalism is closely linked to “vaccine diplomacy”, which is used by vaccine donor countries as a method of achieving their national interests. It was concluded that it is important to ensure sovereignty and biological security of Ukraine by launching the production of vaccines against infectious diseases. That will also strengthen the position of Ukrainian diplomacy.

2021 ◽  
pp. 260-294
Author(s):  
Thomas A. Guglielmo

Chapter 7 follows nonblack minorities through their training and service in the United States. America’s World War II military, from its top leaders to its enlisted personnel, simultaneously built and blurred a white-nonwhite divide alongside its black-white one. On the one hand, the blurring stemmed from a host of factors, including the day-to-day intermingling of troops, the activism of nonblack minorities, and, paradoxically, the unifying power of the black-white divide among nonblacks. On the other hand, this blurring had its limits. White-nonwhite lines cropped up in some of the same places black-white ones did and in some different ones, too, especially those related to national security and Japanese Americans. In the end, these lines remained in place throughout the war years, despite continuous blurring. They did so in part because of these racialized national security concerns and because of the power of civilian racist practices and investments.


2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-112
Author(s):  
Vehbi Ramaj ◽  
Mensur Tusha ◽  
Hazir Hajdari ◽  
Mustafë Kadriaj

With the imposition of a 100% tax in November 2018 for products originating from Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Government of the Republic of Kosovo, like never before, reacted to aggressive Serbian diplomatic politics. As a result of Serbian diplomacy, recognitions have been contested, causing Kosovo to fail in membership in international organizations. According to the current prime minister, the Government of Kosovo is determined until the Serbian state reflects, despite the international pressure until recognition of Kosovo, as an independent country in mutual recognition. The tax, at the same time, was the awareness that every citizen tried to avoid consuming products of Serbian origin. But, despite the economic effects, Kosovo is being asked to withdraw or suspend the tax based on the principles of CEFTA and SAA, at the same time asking Kosovo to give priority to dialogue and that pressure comes from Serbia with the lobbying that it does in countries that have an impact on Kosovo. As a result of pressure, Kosovo should reflect on its friends and strategic partners because a shrinking friendship is in favor of Serbia, despite the argument that Kosovo has. Through this paper, we will bring scientific analyzes from local and international media and we will bring statements from local and international statesmen, as well as analysis from economic case-tellers by bringing conclusions and recommendations on how to approach the Kosovo Government tax and exit from this international political pressure.When a country unilaterally raises a trade barrier, other countries usually follow the same example, ie raising their trade barriers, which escalate to a large-scale commercial war, or even worse, to a military war . During the 1930s, the United States decision to set up a trade barrier ended with the famed planetary depression, or - as others say - with the onset of the Second World War. Each country wants to have full access to international markets, but at the same time, many governments and states try to help local producers in competing with foreign producers. Although consumers and businesses have their benefits of unrestricted access to imports, often governments are unable to withstand the political pressure coming from inefficient industries. (Epping, 2007, p. 71). Although a trade war may not be as destructive as a war between the armies, in both cases we have people who suffer (often those people whose defense has started the war itself). The most common barriers to trade are quotas, fees and subsidies. By imposing a quote, a country limits the amount of foreign products that can be imported. The tariff is a tax - paid for goods crossing the country's customs points, which makes the price of manufactured goods abroad to rise. Governments, on the other hand, may use taxpayers' money to provide subsidies to domestic producers, which makes the local commodity price artificially lower than the price of imported goods. (Epping, 2007, p. 69.70). With the industrial revolution and the overcoming of mass production and distribution mass, in the 19th century, have come up the new challenges of the scientific approach to the market and the different approaches of knowledge gained in school trade. (Segetlija, 2009, p.24). The welfare economy represents a theory that gives us the basic arguments of government intervention in the economy. One of the main arguments discussed so far relates to "market failures", which appear to be impossible to regulate without the government intervening in the market by imposing taxes and making expenditures that also effect redistribution of income in a desirable way from a social point of view. On the other hand, other theories point to "government failures," which appear alongside market ones, and are the source of the overwhelming public discontent over the government's role. (Haderi, Milova, 2015, p. 143).


Philosophy ◽  
1982 ◽  
Vol 57 (219) ◽  
pp. 5-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Hughes

It is necessary that, if the world is divided into nations, conflicts should arise in which there is no strong argument against terrorism or repression. By a strong argument I mean one that would sway all minds not blindly partisan, without moral commitments that are unusual or outlandish in the modern world and with as much aversion to violence as most people have. So I do not here consider, because it is unusual, heroic and absolute pacifism, much as I respect it; on the other hand I do mention Christian moral objections applying specially to terrorism because it seems somewhat outlandish even now to ignore the Christian element in our tradition.


Trictrac ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
Author(s):  
Petru Adrian Danciu

Starting from the cry of the seraphim in Isaiahʹ s prophecy, this article aims to follow the rhythm of the sacred harmony, transcending the symbols of the angelic world and of the divine names, to get to the face to face meeting between man and God, just as the seraphim, reflecting their existence, stand face to face. The finality of the sacred harmony is that, during the search for God inside the human being, He reveals Himself, which is the reason for the affirmation of “I Am that I Am.” Through its hypnotic cyclicality, the profane temporality has its own musicality. Its purpose is to incubate the unsuspected potencies of the beings “caught” in the material world. Due to the fact that it belongs to the aeonic time, the divine music will exceed in harmony the mechanical musicality of profane time, dilating and temporarily cancelling it. Isaiah is witness to such revelation offering access to the heavenly concert. He is witness to divine harmonies produced by two divine singers, whose musical history is presented in our article. The seraphim accompanied the chosen people after their exodus from Egypt. The cultic use of the trumpet is related to the characteristics and behaviour of the seraphim. The seraphic music does not belong to the Creator, but its lyrics speak about the presence of the Creator in two realities, a spiritual and a material one. Only the transcendence of the divine names that are sung/cried affirms a unique reality: God. The chant-cry is a divine invocation with a double aim. On the one hand, the angels and the people affirm God’s presence and call His name and, on the other, the Creator affirms His presence through the angels or in man, the one who is His image and His likeness. The divine music does not only create, it is also a means of communion, implementing the relation of man to God and, thus, God’s connection with man. It is a relation in which both filiation and paternity disappear inside the harmony of the mutual recognition produced by music, a reality much older than Adam’s language.


Imbizo ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Naomi Epongse Nkealah ◽  
Olutoba Gboyega Oluwasuji

Ideas of nationalisms as masculine projects dominate literary texts by African male writers. The texts mirror the ways in which gender differentiation sanctions nationalist discourses and in turn how nationalist discourses reinforce gender hierarchies. This article draws on theoretical insights from the work of Anne McClintock and Elleke Boehmer to analyse two plays: Zintgraff and the Battle of Mankon by Bole Butake and Gilbert Doho and Hard Choice by Sunnie Ododo. The article argues that women are represented in these two plays as having an ambiguous relationship to nationalism. On the one hand, women are seen actively changing the face of politics in their societies, but on the other hand, the means by which they do so reduces them to stereotypes of their gender.


2011 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 281-310 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emmanuel Didier

ArgumentWhen the New Deal administration attained power in the United States, it was confronted with two different problems that could be linked to one another. On the one hand, there was a huge problem of unemployment, affecting everybody including the white-collar workers. And, on the other hand, the administration suffered from a very serious lack of data to illuminate its politics. One idea that came out of this situation was to use the abundant unemployed white-collar workers as enumerators of statistical studies. This paper describes this experiment, shows how it paradoxically affected the professionalization of statistics, and explains why it did not affect expert democracy despite its Deweysian participationist aspect.


2021 ◽  
pp. 006996672110638
Author(s):  
Jai Mohan Pandit ◽  
Bino Paul

This study investigates human resource management (HRM) practices in higher education institutions (HEIs) based on a comparative analysis of India and the US. Although higher education in India has grown over the decades, its quality, in general, has not kept up with global standards. On the other hand, many US universities have performed consistently well in international university rankings. Based on qualitative research collected from principal stakeholders of HEIs in India and the US, HRM practices and policies followed by them are presented and discussed. Data collection for the research study was through web interviews during the period August–October 2020. The study reveals that Indian public HEIs do not have professional HRM teams. Also, they are in a formative stage in autonomous and private institutions. On the other hand, many HEIs in the US have developed mature HRM systems. This difference resonates in attributes such as structure of HRM, recruitment and selection processes, training and development programmes, performance management, career progression and talent retention.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1967 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 586-589
Author(s):  
George Link Spaeth ◽  
G. Winston Barber

The prevalence of homocystinuria in patients with mental retardation institutionalized in the United States is about 0.02%; this is lower than a previous estimation from Northern Ireland (0.3%). On the other hand, about 5% of patients with dislocated lenses may be expected to have the disease. A silver-nitroprusside test which is almost completely specific for homocystine has been evaluated. It should be useful for screening.


2021 ◽  

Politics in the United States has become increasingly polarized in recent decades. Both political elites and everyday citizens are divided into rival and mutually antagonistic partisan camps, with each camp questioning the political legitimacy and democratic commitments of the other side. Does this polarization pose threats to democracy itself? What can make some democratic institutions resilient in the face of such challenges? Democratic Resilience brings together a distinguished group of specialists to examine how polarization affects the performance of institutional checks and balances as well as the political behavior of voters, civil society actors, and political elites. The volume bridges the conventional divide between institutional and behavioral approaches to the study of American politics and incorporates historical and comparative insights to explain the nature of contemporary challenges to democracy. It also breaks new ground to identify the institutional and societal sources of democratic resilience.


1876 ◽  
Vol 22 (98) ◽  
pp. 196-201 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. Claye Shaw

There is a general idea expressed in text-books, and more or less freely asserted in practice, but which I shall prove to be a fallacy, that a high-arched palate is so frequently met with in idiocy and imbecility that it may be taken as a sign of their existence. Indeed, when a case of this kind is brought forward the patient is made to open his mouth, under the conviction that a high palate will be found as certainly as a superficial alteration of the tongue in gastric disturbance. We shall see that the connection is an accidental one; and there is, in reality, no relationship between the development of the intellect and the height and width of the palate. If we consider that the bones of the cranium are developed in a different manner from those of the face, and that ossification at the base is complete long before that of the bones forming the palate, it is clear that there can be no primâ facie reason for thinking that because a person has an imperfect brain he should therefore have an imperfect palate; yet such an interdependence is held. It is quite true that a constitutional taint, such as rickets or syphilis, which affects the ossification of the bones generally and the cranial sutures, would probably affect the palatine bones, and hence it is that many idiots and imbeciles are found to have high or imperfect palates: but on the other hand some modifying taint may dwarf the height of the body, may affect the shape of the head to such an extent as to make an idiot of the microcephalic type, and yet leave the palate untouched, perfect in all conditions of width, height, number, quality, and regularity of teeth.


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