scholarly journals Diabetes and Hyperthyroidism: Is There a Causal Link?

2021 ◽  
Vol 36 (6) ◽  
pp. 1175-1177
Author(s):  
Sang Yong Kim
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Tracy Ann Williams ◽  
Anna Dietz ◽  
Felix Beuschlein ◽  
Paolo Mulatero ◽  
Martin Reincke

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fabien Ducrocq ◽  
Roman Walle ◽  
Andrea Contini ◽  
Asma Oummadi ◽  
Baptiste Caraballo ◽  
...  

2013 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 140-175
Author(s):  
Jos Monballyu

Over de motieven waarom Belgische militairen tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog naar de Duitse vijand deserteerden is al veel geschreven. Volgens de Franstalige patriottische pers en literatuur van kort na de Eerste Wereldoorlog was die desertie uitsluitend te wijten aan de defaitistische ingesteldheid van de Vlaamse Frontbeweging en de talrijke aansporingen waarmee hun vier afgezanten naar de Duitsers (Jules Charpentier, Karel De Schaepdrijver, Vital Haesaert en Carlos Van Sante) de Vlaamse soldaten aan het IJzerfront bestookten. De Vlaamse historici probeerden die beschuldiging op allerlei manieren te weerleggen of schoven de verantwoordelijkheid voor die desertie in de schoenen van Antoon Pira en zijn Algemeen Vlaamsch Democratische Verbond. Geen enkele historicus ging daarbij na wat de deserteurs zelf over hun desertie naar de vijand te vertellen hadden. Dit deden zij nochtans uitvoerig tijdens de verschillende gerechtelijke ondervragingen waaraan zij na de oorlog werden onderworpen wanneer zij konden worden aangehouden. Het feit dat zij daarbij al strafbaar waren van zodra zij wetens en willens deserteerden ongeacht hun eigenlijke motief, liet hen daarbij toe om dit motief vrij complexloos mee te delen. Geen enkele van de overlopers van wie het strafdossier bewaard is, gaf echter toe dat hij omwille van de Vlaamse kwestie was overgelopen. Oorlogsmoeheid en de behoefte om zijn familieleden terug te zien waren, zoals in alle legers, de voornaamste motieven waarom zij naar de vijand deserteerden. Ook de Belgische Militaire Veiligheid en de krijgsauditeurs slaagden er trouwens niet in om een verband te leggen tussen de Vlaamse Frontbeweging en de Belgische deserties naar de vijand.________Desertion to the enemy in the Belgian front army during the First World War (part 2)Much has already been written about the reasons why Belgian soldiers deserted to the German enemy during the First World War. According to the French language patriotic press and literature dating from shortly after the First World War that desertion was exclusively due to the defeatist attitude of the Flemish Front Movement and the many exhortations with which their four representatives to the Germans (Jules Charpentier, Karel De Schaepdrijver, Vital Haesaert and Carlos Van Sante) bombarded the Flemish soldiers at the Yser Front. Flemish historians attempted in a variety of ways to refute that accusation or they shifted the responsibility for the desertion on to Antoon Pira and his Algemeen Vlaamsch Democratische Verbond (General Flemish Democratic Union). Not a single historian investigated what the deserters themselves had to say about their desertion to the enemy. However, the deserters gave extensive explanations during the detailed investigation that took place during the various judicial interrogations, to which they were submitted after the war if it was possible to arrest them. The fact that they were considered to have committed a criminal offence for having knowingly deserted whatever their actual motive, allowed them to communicate this motive without too many complexes. However, none of the defectors whose criminal records have been preserved admitted that he had defected for the sake of the Flemish Question.  As is the case in all armies, the main reasons for desertion to the enemy were war-weariness and the longing to see members of their family. The Belgian Military Security and the military auditors were not able either to establish a causal link between the Flemish Front Movement and the Belgian desertions to the enemy.


Author(s):  
Annika Hennl ◽  
Simon Tobias Franzmann

The formulation of policies constitutes a core business of political parties in modern democracies. Using the novel data of the Political Party Database (PPDB) Project and the data of the Manifesto Project (MARPOR), the authors of this chapter aim at a systematic test of the causal link between the intra-party decision mode on the electoral manifestos and the extent of programmatic change. What are the effects of the politics of manifesto formulation on the degree of policy change? Theoretically, the authors distinguish the drafting process from the final enactment of the manifesto. Empirically, they show that a higher autonomy of the party elite in formulating the manifesto leads to a higher degree of programmatic change. If party members constrain party elite’s autonomy, they tend to veto major changes.


2011 ◽  
Vol 2011 ◽  
pp. 1-3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrizia Saccucci ◽  
Federica Papetti ◽  
Roberta Martinoli ◽  
Alessandro Dofcaci ◽  
Ursula Tuderti ◽  
...  

A 16-year-old boy affected by Sotos syndrome was referred to our clinic for cardiac evaluation in order to play noncompetitive sport. Physical examination was negative for major cardiac abnormalities and rest electrocardiogram detected only minor repolarization anomalies. Transthoracic echocardiography showed left ventricular wall thickening and apical trabeculations with deep intertrabecular recesses, fulfilling criteria for isolated left ventricular noncompaction (ILVNC). Some sporadic forms of ILVNC are reported to be caused by a mutation on CSX gene, mapping on chromosome 5q35. To our knowledge, this is the first report of a patient affected simultaneously by Sotos syndrome and ILVNC.


Vaccines ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (8) ◽  
pp. 856
Author(s):  
Akiyo Hineno ◽  
Shu-Ihi Ikeda

In Japan, a significant number of adolescent females noted unusual symptoms after receiving the human papillomavirus (HPV) vaccination, of which the vast majority of them were initially diagnosed with psychiatric illnesses because of the absence of pathologic radiological images and specific abnormalities in laboratory test results. Later these symptoms were thought to be adverse effects of HPV vaccination. However, a causal link between HPV vaccination and the development of these symptoms has not been demonstrated. Between June 2013 and March 2021, we examined 200 patients who noted various symptoms after HPV vaccination. In total, 87 were diagnosed with HPV vaccination-related symptoms based on our proposed diagnostic criteria. The clinical histories of these 87 patients were analyzed. The age at initial vaccination ranged from 11 to 19 years old (mean ± SD: 13.5 ± 1.5 years old), and the age at the first appearance of symptoms ranged from 12 to 20 years old (mean ± SD: 14.3 ± 1.6 years old). The patients received an initial HPV vaccine injection between May 2010 and May 2013, but the first affected patient developed symptoms in October 2010, and the last affected developed symptoms in October 2015. A cluster of patients with a post-HPV vaccination disorder has not appeared in Japan during the last five years. Our study shows that, in Japan, the period of HPV vaccination considerably overlapped with that of a unique post-HPV vaccination disorder development. This disorder appears as a combination of orthostatic intolerance, chronic regional pain syndrome, and cognitive dysfunction, but its exact pathogenesis remains unclear.


Author(s):  
Miguel M. Pereira

Abstract Prior research suggests that partisanship can influence how legislators learn from each other. However, same-party governments are also more likely to share similar issues, ideological preferences and constituency demands. Establishing a causal link between partisanship and policy learning is difficult. In collaboration with a non-profit organization, this study isolates the role of partisanship in a real policy learning context. As part of a campaign promoting a new policy among local representatives in the United States, the study randomized whether the initiative was endorsed by co-partisans, out-partisans or both parties. The results show that representatives are systematically more interested in the same policy when it is endorsed by co-partisans. Bipartisan initiatives also attract less interest than co-partisan policies, and no more interest than out-partisan policies, even in more competitive districts. Together, the results suggest that ideological considerations cannot fully explain partisan-based learning. The study contributes to scholarship on policy diffusion, legislative signaling and interest group access.


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