An Ambassador for Co-operation

Arthur Szyk ◽  
2004 ◽  
pp. 74-91
Author(s):  
Joseph P. Ansell

This chapter follows Arthur Szyk's career toward the outbreak of the Second World War. This period marked a period of increased political activism on his part. Supported by the highest levels of the Polish government, Szyk's work continued to spread the message of mutual co-operation and freedom, meeting with positive responses during his exhibits. He once again took up the pen as a political caricaturist during this period, adding contemporary images to the message he believed was already embodied in the statute, to help alert people to the worsening situation in Germany. He contributed drawings to several Polish newspapers, highlighting the threats posed by the rise of the Nazi party and commenting on the sad state of affairs experienced by his fellow Jews living in Germany.

2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 87-96
Author(s):  
Elena Yu. Guskova

The article is devoted to the analysis of interethnic relations in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) in the 1940s and 1960s. The article is based on materials from the archives of BiH, Croatia, Slovenia, Yugoslavia. The documents show the state of affairs in the Republic – both in the economy and in ideology. In one or another way, all of them reflect the level of tension in the interethnic relations. For the first time, the article presents the discussion on interethnic relations, on the new phenomenon in multinational Yugoslavia – the emergence of a new people in BiH under the name of “Muslim”. The term “Muslims” is used to define the ethnic identity of Bosniaks in the territory of BiH starting from the 1961 census.


Author(s):  
Anna D. Bertova ◽  

Prominent Japanese economist, specialist in colonial politics, a professor of Im­perial Tokyo University, Yanaihara Tadao (1893‒1961) was one of a few people who dared to oppose the aggressive policy of Japanese government before and during the Second World War. He developed his own view of patriotism and na­tionalism, regarding as a true patriot a person who wished for the moral develop­ment of his or her country and fought the injustice. In the years leading up to the war he stated the necessity of pacifism, calling every war evil in the ultimate, divine sense, developing at the same time the concept of the «just war» (gisen­ron), which can be considered good seen from the point of view of this, imper­fect life. Yanaihara’s theory of pacifism is, on one hand, the continuation of the one proposed by his spiritual teacher, the founder of the Non-Church movement, Uchimura Kanzo (1861‒1930); one the other hand, being a person of different historical period, directly witnessing the boundless spread of Japanese militarism and enormous hardships brought by the war, Yanaihara introduced a number of corrections to the idealistic theory of his teacher and proposed quite a specific explanation of the international situation and the state of affairs in Japan. Yanai­hara’s philosophical concepts influenced greatly both his contemporaries and successors of the pacifist ideas in postwar Japan, and contributed to the dis­cussion about interrelations of pacifism and patriotism, and also patriotism and religion.


2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-24
Author(s):  
Christel Adick ◽  
Maria Giesemann

German political foundations, mainly Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) and Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung (KAS), have a long tradition of political activism in Germany as well as internationally.  Founded after the Second World War, their mission was and is the promotion of democracy and civic education.  Likewise, they pursue these educational goals abroad, where they have been active for over 50 years.  But despite many years of experience in the field of political education across borders, the foundations have hardly been noticed in educational research.  Therefore, an international audience shall be made aware of the unique characteristics of the German party related political foundations as actors in the world.  This article will address the international dimensions of these organizations: how they operate across borders and what they offer in their educational dimensions.  This will show their close entanglement with the official German foreign policy and with the political parties to which they are affiliated in Germany.


2006 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
THOMAS PEGELOW

This article conceptualises the dissemination by Nazi party and state institutions of racial categories of Germanness and Jewishness and the imposition of these categories on segments of the population as a form of linguistic violence. Centring on the Reich Kinship Office during the Second World War, the article argues that racial discourses were not static, but were constantly remade in the practices of the office's employees and their interaction with petitioners desperately seeking to escape persecution. The office's practices exemplify the competing discourses of Nazism, as employees saw the Kinship Office's discourses increasingly undermined by SS and police agencies and their growing power and more radical languages.


Worldview ◽  
1979 ◽  
Vol 22 (5) ◽  
pp. 20-22
Author(s):  
Alfons Heck

A little over thirty-three years ago, when I was just under seventeen, I was a highranking, dedicated member of the Hitler Youth and one of Germany's youngest pilots. Although the Hitler Youth was far larger than the Nazi party itself in membership, I don't hold myself responsible for the rise of Hitler, the outbreak of the Second World War, or the persecution of Jews and other so-called "sub-humans." I dearly wish, though, that it had never happened. It must never be whitewashed or forgotten.It is impossible for any fair-minded German to deny the genocide of the Jews or to explain how it could have happened without sounding like a pious hypocrite or simple-minded apologist.


1973 ◽  
Vol 13 (142) ◽  
pp. 3-21

On 16 November 1972, an agreement on compensation for the Polish victims of pseudo-medical experiments carried out in Nazi concentration camps during the Second World War was signed by the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany and the Government of the Polish People's Republic. In accordance with this agreement, which marks the end of the arrangement under which the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany has paid more than DM 40 million to 1,357 Polish victims through the ICRC since 1961, the Federal Republic of Germany will pay an additional DM 100 million to the Polish Government.


1986 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 441-455 ◽  
Author(s):  
Graham Maddox

Much of value in the conception of a democratic state, evident in the work of several English and American scholars writing around the time of the Second World War, but most forcefully presented by A. D. Lindsay, has been overlooked by contemporary scholarship. Lindsay combined a ‘realist’ acceptance of state power with a finely-tuned appreciation of the possibilities of citizenship. His distinctive contributions to democratic theory, focusing on discussion, state power, the sovereignty of the constitution, voluntary association and the creativity of democracy, are well worth re-examination, even if in the end for Lindsay political activism was merely a necessary adjunct to religious faith.


2004 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-73
Author(s):  
Arūnas Bubnys

This article investigates the Polish underground’s view of Lithuanian statehood, territorial integrity, and Lithuanian-Polish relations during the Second World War. The concept ‘Polish underground’ is applicable not only to the military organisation, which came to be called the Armia Krajowa (AK) in 1942, but also the secret civil administration, called the Delegation of the Government to the Country. The article investiga tes not only the view of Lithuania held by the Polish underground operating in Lithuania (primarily the Vilnius area) but also the Polish underground’s central leadership in Warsaw as well as the view held by the Polish government-in-exile. The author used Lithuanian and Polish archive documents and works by historians from both countries.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 213
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Czubocha

International Responsibility of the Soviet Union for its Illegal Actions against Poland between 1939 and 1945SummaryThe author of the paper comes to a conclusion that many actions concerning Poland taken by the Soviet Union during The Second World War constituted an abuse of power. The Soviet U nion invaded Poland and illegally occupied its Eastern territories until 1945. As a result of the aggression, hundreds of thousands of Polish soldiers and citizens were killed or persecuted.At the end of The Second W orld W ar decisions concerning Poland were taken at inter-Allied conferences w ithout Poland’s participation. The Great Powers decided to deprive Poland of its Eastern territories against the will of the Polish Government-in-exile, which was legal at that time. W hat is more, Poland was not a signatory of the Jalta and Potsdam agreements. Therefore, the decisions referring to Polish Eastern border should be invalidAs far as the problem of a new Polish government is concerned, it is necessary to stress that according to international law a change of a government in a particular state should take place w ithout any external interference. Nevertheless, the Soviet U nion decided to create a new government for Poland to replace the legal government-in-exile. As a consequence, the Provisional Government of National Unity was created., It consisted mostly of communists who were dependent on the Soviet Union. Many o f them were Soviet spies. They were able to gain power only as a result of the Soviet military intervention in Poland. The government did not represent Polish society and was created against its will. The Soviet U nion did not have the right to impose this sort of government on Poland.The problem of reconciliation between Poland and Russia is also approached in the paper. During the Second World War Polish state and its citizens suffered great losses. Neither the Soviet U nion nor Russia has ever assumed responsibility for the Soviet U nion’s illegal actions against Poland and its citizens between 1939 and 1945. In such circumstances any sort of reconciliation cannot take place. 


2020 ◽  
pp. 52-59
Author(s):  
I. Prozorova ◽  
G. Arutyunyan ◽  
V. Adamov ◽  
S. Buryachenko

The Article is devoted to the activities of the foreign policy system of the Polish Republic before and during the Second world war. Special attention is paid to the activities of the Polish government in exile (1939–1945) and its participation in the preparation of the Warsaw uprising.


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