‘Sumer-Is-Icumen-In’: Modern Folk Horror

Folk Horror ◽  
2017 ◽  
pp. 165-186
Author(s):  
Adam Scovell

This chapter assesses the recent resurgence of Folk Horror in a variety of media. It highlights Robert Eggers' horror film The Witch (2015), not simply because the film has managed to put folklorically psychological material back into the cinematic mainstream, but because it can actually be seen as the high point of a period of new films, television, and music re-exploring Folk Horror as a form that started at the beginning of the new millennium. This resurgence in all things Folk Horror, from delving into familiar thematic territory, remaking older examples, or even just generally rediscovering long-lost relics from its more dominant period, has a number of contributing factors. Arguably, it has two chief specific outcomes: work that reflects nostalgia, whether effectively subverting it (hauntologically) or succumbing to the past visions of Folk Horror's primary era, to produce referential work; and using certain thematic traces within the inner workings of Folk Horror to assess current political issues and even reflect on the parallels of the political climate from the period of 1970s Britain in particular. With the ubiquity of technology and the internet, Folk Horror has entered a new realm but it is one that at first seems contrary to its potential causational factors.

Author(s):  
J. Shahin

The European Union (EU) has been one of the leading lights concerning Internet use in dealing with other public administrations and citizens. This article will argue that e-government has meant that the European Commission has been able to promote a virtual arena for pan-European activity, which has promoted action at the national and local levels in the EU. In the first instance, this article will deal with how the European Commission uses the Internet to attempt to improve its own relationship with both national public administrations and citizens in terms of the European policy-making process. Although the Internet is perceived as aiding public administrations in information and service provision, which helps to deliver better governance from an institutional governance perspective, a focus on this would only tell one half of the story. Increasing democratic participation and regaining trust in the political system at large is also an important issue for public bodies such as the European Commission to address, and this is not merely a technical process. These technical (efficiency, etc.) and democratic stages are two key parts in the process of developing an information and communication technology (ICT)-based governance agenda in the EU. In order to outline the process, this article deals with four different aspects of the European Commission’s e-policies. It makes reference to the following: 1. The Commission’s information provision, through the EU’s Europa (II) Web server; 2. The way in which the Commission has tried to interact with citizens, using interactive policy making (IPM); 3. The e Commission initiative; and 4. The way in which the Commission links member-state public administrations together, through the IDA(BC) programme. This article reveals the increasing coherence of the European Commission’s approach to using the Internet in institutional affairs. Although the Commission’s approach to using the Internet for governance was initially unstable and ad hoc, by the turn of the century, all efforts had converged around the political issues of institutional reform and better governance. This has been further enhanced by the application of the open method of coordination as one of the tools of EU governance, which has enabled the Commission to take a more informal role in implementing e-government strategies at the pan-European level. This article does not attempt to define e-government at the European level nor does it go into policy areas concerning e-government (such as research, socioeconomic inclusion, improving competitiveness, or specific e-government policy developed by the European Commission), but will contribute to a greater understanding of how the EU itself has used the Internet to promote an e-government agenda that is affecting all public administrations.


1971 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 43
Author(s):  
Ir. Soediono

The growth of the oil industry in Indonesia during 1970 was the result of Pertamina's policy of encouraging foreign oil companies to invest in the country. By the end of the year production-sharing contracts had been signed with more than 35 groups of companies.The stabilisation of the political climate under the new government enabled exploration to start up again during 1967 and the next two years saw a rapid growth in geological activity. This has led to the drilling of over sixty exploration wells during the past year, and expenditure on exploration is now in excess of $U.S. 150 million per annum. A large part of the exploration effort is directed to offshore acreage and has been rewarded with discoveries by Sinclair in 1969, followed in 1970 by IIAPCO, Union Oil and Cities Service. These finds are expected to lead to production in 1971. Production in 1970 was in excess of 900,000 BOPD, compared with 600,000 BOPD in 1966. Existing refineries are being rehabilitated, a new plant at Dumai is planned to come on stream in July, 1971, and a further refinery is proposed for Java. A polypropylene plant is being built at Pladju, South Sumatra.As the campaign against pollution intensifies, other countries, particularly Japan, are hopeful of further significant finds of the good quality, low sulphur crude oil known to exist in Indonesia.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Muldoon ◽  
Eric W. Liguori ◽  
Steve Lovett ◽  
Christopher Stone

Purpose This paper aims to analyze the political background of the Hawthorne criticisms, positing that the political atmosphere of the 1940s, influenced by the decline of the new deal liberalism and the rise of the conservative coalition, stimulated scholars to challenge the Hawthorne studies. Design/methodology/approach Primary sources used in the guise of archival commentaries, journal articles and other published works (books and book chapters). Secondary sources are offered to provide additional insight and context. Findings The findings show that politics unnecessarily discredited Mayo. As a result, contemporary scholars failed to recognize Mayo’s work as an important part of the basis for modern management theory. Research limitations/implications The purpose of the research is to look into the political context of the Hawthorne studies to understand how management practice and research is impacted by ongoing political issues. Originality/value To date, no work has fully accounted for or understood the political climate of the time in considering the criticisms of the Hawthorne studies. By more fully understanding the political context, scholars can reevaluate the weight they place on the then criticisms of the Hawthorne studies.


1957 ◽  
Vol 77 (2) ◽  
pp. 220-229 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Diamantopoulos

The humour of the passage in the Frogs (1419 ff.), in which the tragic poets reply with riddles on burning political issues, is explicable: research on the Eumenides shows that in this play Aeschylus projected political notions in much the way that he is presented by Aristophanes speaking in the Frogs: concentrating the attention of the spectator on the past of the Areopagus and on the circumstance of its foundation, he touches directly on the question which arose in 462–1 through the abolition of the political competence of this body, but he replies to it through a parable which is enigmatic for us. It is obviously such an expression as this that Aristophanes had in mind. It rests with philological and historical criticism to show whether in surviving tragedies other than Eumenides themes of an immediate public interest are put forward under the cover of myth, themes which, through ignorance of the date or of the exact conditions of the composition of the plays, have so far not been revealed. This essay examines from this point of view the Danaid tetralogy of Aeschylus.The subject of the Danaid tetralogy is taken from the story of Danaos and his daughters. For this, Aeschylus could draw on both a literary source, the Danais, and probably also on Argive traditions.Very little is known about the Danais. It did, however, include an account of the events which took place in Egypt between the houses of Danaos and Aigyptos, and it is likely, therefore, that it traced the course of this quarrel from the beginning.


2005 ◽  
Vol 82 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-263 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Niven

Signifcant scholarly work suggests mass media professionals largely set the voices in their coverage to mirror that of mainstream government debate. While it is a compelling assertion, this view is only intermittently supported by data. This paper suggests that such theories enjoy inconsistent support because they fail to consider the interaction between journalists' incentives and the political climate. An economic theory is advanced here that the political journalists' objectives to please their superiors, please themselves, limit negative feedback, and expend minimum energy, in other words to minimize their costs and maximize their benefits, lead them to rely on tactics that vary with the scope of consensus support for an issue. This theory is tested by analyzing newspaper coverage of four political issues debated in Congress.


Significance The delay was a result of long and very complicated negotiations, firstly between Tshisekedi and former President Joseph Kabila, who had agreed to form a coalition government, but also within the two camps, which both suffer from serious problems of internal cohesion. Impacts Congo has a history of parallel structures subverting weak governments; a cabinet with so many junior members may struggle to impose itself. Tshisekedi promised free education in 2019; with the school year about to start, breaking this promise could quickly cost him much goodwill. The exclusion of so many ambitious figures may sow resentments in those with real capacity to undercut policy or sour the political climate.


2012 ◽  
Vol 59 ◽  
pp. 73-83
Author(s):  
Renata Matkevičienė

Jau gerą pusę šimtmečio mokslininkų tyrimais yra įrodyta, jog žiniasklaida yra aktyvi politinio diskurso dalyvė ir konstruotoja. Praėjusio šimtmečio pabaigoje įsivyravus internetinei žiniasklaidai matomi ir žiniasklaidos turinio formavimo bei informacijos pateikimo pasikeitimai. Įsivyravus informacinėms technologijoms, keičiasi ne tik žiniasklaida, jos veikla, kuriamas ir skleidžiamas turinys, bet ir komunikacija, į kurią yra įtraukti ir kiti viešosios erdvės veikėjai – visuomenė ir politikai. Pastarųjų sąveika politikos komunikacijos sistemoje geriausiai atsispindi būtent per žiniasklaidoje pateikiamą informaciją, jos pranešimų poveikį ir pan., nes daugiausia tik dėl žiniasklaidoje pateikiamų pranešimų yra įmanomas visuomenės informuotumas apie politiką, taip pat tik žiniasklaida įtraukia visuomenę į politinių sprendimų priėmimą ar diskusiją apie politines problemas, priimamus sprendimus. Šiame straipsnyje nėra kvestionuojamas žiniasklaidos, taip pat ir internetinės žiniasklaidos, vaidmuo, jos svarba ar poveikiai, straipsnyje yra teigiama, kad žiniasklaida, o ypač internetinė, yra aktyvi politinės komunikacijos dalyvė, įtraukianti į aktyvią komunikaciją ir politikus per jų pasisakymams suteikiamą erdvę. Dėl šių veiksmų, internetinėje žiniasklaidoje pastebimas ne tik žiniasklaidos formuojamas politinis turinys, bet ir pačių politikų konstruojamas politinis diskursas, kurį žiniasklaida tik moderuoja. Šio straipsnio tikslas – ištirti ir nustatyti internetinėje žiniasklaidoje pateikiamo politinio diskurso kaitą. Aptariamas žiniasklaidos vaidmuo ir jo kaita politikos diskurso konstruotojamame politikos komunikacijos kontekste, taip pat siekiama nustatyti internetinės žiniasklaidos politinio diskurso, konstruojamo pačių politikos veikėjų, kaitą.Changes in the Political Discourse Constructed by the Lithuanian Internet MediaRenata Matkevičienė Summary In the end of the last century when the social media became an important part of the media system, there oceurzed changes in constructing the content the of media and spread of information, as well as news creation, selection and delivery.Changes that occurred in the media because of new information technologies could be seen not only in the mass media, journalism, but also in communication in general, because those changes involved all participants of the public sphere: the media, politicians and citizens. In the system of political communication, the interaction of these participants could be seen via the news that are delivered, and their effects: society receives information about politics and participates in discussions about it. In the article, the role and effects of the Internet are not questioned, because the Internet media are an active participant of political communication; they involve politicians into communication processes, providing space for their voices (publications).The aim of this article is to analyse the change of political discourse in the Internet media content.In the article, the role of the media and its change are discussed in the context of social constructivist theoretical approach; also the political discourse constructed by and in the internet media is analyzed in search of changes in the construction of political discourse, introduced by politicians into the Internet media.The main conclusions made in the article are as follows: 1) the use of the internet by politicians as an arena for discussions is increasing, 2) the main topics discussed by politicians in the internet are politics, economy, energy and social policy, 3) the ways in which politicians are discussing political issues differ depending on the number of years that a politician participates in the political arena, the topic or issue under discussion, 4) economic and political issues are discussed in more sophisticated ways in comparison with discussions of social policy issues which are presented in a very simple, clear way with the arguments that stress the aspects important for society or for some specific groups of citizens, 5) in presenting ideas and in discussions, the politicians prefer to present their own the position instead of presenting position of a political party. These main research findings lead to some conclusions about changes in the political discourse, but they also show quite a strong and manipulative role of the Internet media in selecting politicians and their publications, so it shows that there is still a strong role of the Internet media in constructing the political reality and presenting this “window” to political reality, which is strongly influenced by the position of the media.


Author(s):  
Svetlana Kanashina ◽  

This article looks at the grotesque as a stylistic device in English memes. The novelty of the research is determined by the fact that for the first time the grotesque is analysed in detail within the context of such a popular and understudied phenomenon of computer-mediated communication as the Internet meme. The relevance of the paper consists in the necessity of studying the grotesque in the Internet meme with the aim of developing and complementing a coherent theory of Internet memes. The aim of the paper is to examine the functioning of the grotesque in English Internet memes from the perspective of discourse theory, taking into account the distinctive communicative and semiotic nature of these units. The research shows that the grotesque is a common stylistic device in English Internet memes. Such forms of grotesque realization as political underpinning, zoomorphism and the interplay of the present and the past were revealed. It is noted that the political underpinning of the grotesque is manifested when this stylistic device is used to emphasize aspects of the political sphere. As for zoomorphism, this phenomenon is realized when animals are likened to people in a grotesque way. Further, it is demonstrated that the interplay of the present and the past is based on the fantastic and grotesque expression of temporal relations in Internet memes. The empirical evidence testifies that, as a rule, the grotesque in Internet memes acts as a means of creating humour and helps to express the implication of the meme’s author. In addition to that, the findings indicate that the functioning of the grotesque in Internet memes is determined by the multimodal form of these units, which allows one to create an expressive and vivid grotesque image. In conclusion, the article outlines prospects for further study of the grotesque in Internet memes.


2019 ◽  
pp. 59-88
Author(s):  
Adam Charles Hart

Chapter 2 looks at jump scares and the fad of “screamers” found across the internet: brief videos or gifs designed to cause an unsuspecting browser to scream and jump. They appeared when jump scares were ascendant within the horror genre thanks to video games; screamers’ online popularity led to importation into the cinema through films such as the Paranormal Activity series. The chapter develops the importance of shock to the horror genre and the similarities between engagement across mediums. Shock is a challenge to viewer/browser/gamer mastery and self-control. Screamers offer the opportunity to reassert one’s own self through repetition and sharing, showing how similar processes are central to the experience of horror film viewing and gameplay. It discusses “elevated horror” and the tendency to disparage sensation in opposition to traditional virtues of narrative cinema. The chapter’s counterpoint for this assumption is with close readings of “elevated” horror films, The Witch (2015) and The Babadook (2014).


Author(s):  
Ali Honari

For several years now, the role that digitally mediated social movements and online communities play in challenging authoritarian regimes in the Middle East and North Africa has been extensively debated. The focus of attention on the political use of the Internet shapes conventional wisdom that political issues are widespread in online communities in these contexts and that the users are predominantly oppositional users with political democratic motivations. Using fresh methods and techniques to gather a variety of online data, this chapter argues and reveals that, at least in the case of Iran, this view selectively overlooks the diversity of users and the broad range of issues frequently and intensively discussed among users in online communities. The failure to examine a broader range of issues means that scholars have neglected how consensus forms and develops among online users in other issues. This study broadens our understanding of the current social issues and possible areas of change in Iran through investigating a more comprehensive frame of the Iranian web.


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