In Putin's Russia, Information Has You

Author(s):  
Katherine Ognyanova

This chapter outlines the practices of state control over Internet content in Russia and highlights their grounding in the information culture and media environment of the country. Building on existing data on freedom of the press and online censorship, the text explores the socio-cultural context of Kremlin's considerable influence on the Web. To this end, three relevant spheres of power relations are explored. The first one involves censorship and self-censorship routines embedded in the Russian information tradition. The second pertains to the state-controlled mainstream media where news goes through a political filter and the framing of Internet's role in the Russian social life is predominantly negative. The third domain concerns local legislative frameworks and their selective application. The analysis suggests that most of the tools used to control objectionable materials on the Russian Web are not Internet-specific. Rather, they can be seen as a natural extension of the censorship mechanisms used in traditional media.

Author(s):  
Katherine Ognyanova

This chapter outlines the practices of state control over Internet content in Russia and highlights their grounding in the information culture and media environment of the country. Building on existing data on freedom of the press and online censorship, the text explores the socio-cultural context of Kremlin's considerable influence on the Web. To this end, three relevant spheres of power relations are explored. The first one involves censorship and self-censorship routines embedded in the Russian information tradition. The second pertains to the state-controlled mainstream media where news goes through a political filter and the framing of Internet's role in the Russian social life is predominantly negative. The third domain concerns local legislative frameworks and their selective application. The analysis suggests that most of the tools used to control objectionable materials on the Russian Web are not Internet-specific. Rather, they can be seen as a natural extension of the censorship mechanisms used in traditional media.


Author(s):  
Katherine Ognyanova

This paper outlines the practices of state control over Internet content in Russia, explaining their grounding in the information culture and media environment of the country. Building on existing data on freedom of the press and online censorship, the present work provides a socio-cultural context expanding the understanding of Kremlin’s influence on the Web. To this end, three relevant planes of power relations are explored. The first one involves censorship and self-censorship routines embedded in Russian information traditions. The second pertains to the state-controlled traditional media, where news goes through a political filter and Internet gets framed in a particular restricted manner. The third domain is that of legislative frameworks and their selective application. The paper suggests that the tools used to control objectionable materials on the Russian Web are not Internet-specific. Rather, they should be seen as an extension of the censorship mechanisms used in traditional media.


2010 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katherine Ognyanova

This paper outlines the practices of state control over Internet content in Russia, explaining their grounding in the information culture and media environment of the country. Building on existing data on freedom of the press and online censorship, the present work provides a socio-cultural context expanding the understanding of Kremlin’s influence on the Web. To this end, three relevant planes of power relations are explored. The first one involves censorship and self-censorship routines embedded in Russian information traditions. The second pertains to the state-controlled traditional media, where news goes through a political filter and Internet gets framed in a particular restricted manner. The third domain is that of legislative frameworks and their selective application. The paper suggests that the tools used to control objectionable materials on the Russian Web are not Internet-specific. Rather, they should be seen as an extension of the censorship mechanisms used in traditional media.


2007 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 47-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sophie Foster

Fiji’s fourth armed seizure of government on 5 December 2006 delivered more than a new administration - it heralded the onslaught of a new media environment. With a heavy military crackdown on dissenting opinion and subsequent self-censorship of mainstream media, anonymous weblogs became a safe option for expressing anti-coup views. But because some anonymous blogs allowed racist, defamatory and provocative views to flourish, the role of the press and journalistic ethics was also seen as important. This article examines how a new—and uneasy—media combination kept freedom of expression alive in the months following the coup d’état. Cartoon: © Malcolm Evans


Author(s):  
Olga Gorbat ◽  

The prospects for media environment and its use in the modern youth libraries are exemplified by the services provided by Chelyabinsk Regional Youth Library.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 291-297
Author(s):  
Ankuran Dutta ◽  
K.G.L.A.N.S. Jayawardhana

Radio is considered as the most widespread electronic mass medium in the world and a unique means of reaching the world‟s poorest communities. However, as far as community radio (CR) is concerned, it addresses issues relevant to the public interest of a particular geographic group or community. It is the foremost medium that gives the marginalised a voice, when their voices are suppressed by the haves and the mainstream mass media which is also under the control of haves. The community radio in Sri Lanka has a four decade old history; yet, the country stands the risk of having this pioneering experience with CR locked away as a memory, as, of now, there is no community radio in true sense available in Sri Lanka. This paper has attempted to find out the reasons behind the failure of community radio broadcasting in Sri Lanka. Using semi-structured indepth interviews, eight leading community radio activists, advocates and researchers in Sri Lanka were interviewed. The causes identified for the failure of CR in Sri Lanka are state control over CR stations, an inexistent legal framework for community radio, inadequate funding, and human resources, misconceptions of responsible government authorities‟, the lack of knowledge about the true sense and relevance of community radio, the appointment of permanent staff from Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation than giving more priority to the volunteers from the same community, competition with mainstream media, and less dedication to community radio.


Author(s):  
Nurul Huda

Using Mohammad in Archipelago as a metaphor of the postmodern religious landscape, this article argues that Mohammad, a prophet of Muslim born in Mecca Saudi Arabia, has undoubtedly become a consumer item in shalawat council (Majelis Shalawat) practiced in many areas of Indonesia, including Probolinggo. This new religious phenomenon has been reproduced in line with the emergence of blurred negotiation between the profane and the sacred, and by the fact that religion is always posed in social life and in business life, shalawat practice also depends itself on the meaning and process making, or the certain socio-cultural context. This study sets the Majelis Shalawat Syubbanul Muslimin, located at Probolinggo, in relation with the ways they reproduced its penetration of religion vis-a-vis market economy. It also portrays how Syubbanul Muslimin produced a spatial order of certain followers since they have successfully practiced modes and techniques of production, consumption, and structuration of their own spiritual market. Additionally, it also contributes to the construction of charisma they have shaped by using the economic-political discourse of media.


2021 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 99-119
Author(s):  
Wairimũ Mũrĩithi

Extrajudicial executions and other forms of police violence in Kenya have always been an issue of significant concern in local and international media and human rights organisations. Reflective of this, scholarly interest in crime fiction in Kenya has grown significantly in recent years. However, the gendered implications of criminality – from sex work to errant motherhood to alternative modes of investigation – are still largely overlooked in postcolonial literary fiction and criticism. As part of a larger study on how women writers and characters shape crime fiction in Kenya, this paper critically engages with stories that the criminalised woman knows, tells, forgets,  incarnates, discards or hides about the city. It does so by examining the history of urban sex workers in Kenya, the representation of ‘urban women’ in postcolonial Kenyan novels and contemporary mainstream media, and the various (post) colonial laws that criminalise sex work. Through Justina, an elusive character in Yvonne Adhiambo Owuor’s Dust, I consider how (post)colonial legislative frameworks and social life attempt to manage “impossible domesticity” (Saidiya Hartman) inside and against the geo-history of gendered and classed criminality in urban Kenyan spaces. My purpose is to interrogate hegemonic constructions of the citizen – and by extension, of the human  – in Kenyan law and public morality Keywords: crime fiction, feminism, sex work, human, homo narrans


2004 ◽  
Vol 34 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 110-144 ◽  
Author(s):  
Terence Ranger

AbstractThere has recently been much more recognition of the African role in the making of the colonial cities of southern Africa. Nevertheless, many kinds of action have still seemed to be impossible for Africans living in tightly controlled municipal townships. Among these is the political and symbolic management of death. While literature on West African towns celebrates 'mausoleum politics' and the struggle over the burial of dead men under the floors of their houses, in colonial Southern African cities it has been assumed that Africans had no choice but to accept the constraining rules of drab municipal cemeteries. Similarly, the initiative and agency, which we know rural Africans in Southern Africa to have exercised in their encounters with mission Christianity, have been much less documented in the towns. In short, it has been assumed that the Southern African town—and particularly the black townships—represented colonial control at its most intense and oppressive, allowing little room for symbolic or practical autonomy whether in social life, politics or religion. This article tests such presuppositions in relation to Southern Rhodesia's second largest town, and major industrial centre, Bulawayo. It argues that from the late 1890s there has always been a black Bulawayo, expressed first in the absence of municipal or state control of the Location and expressed later by the emergence of varying influential men and women there with the capacity to take cultural and symbolic initiatives, perhaps especially in the sphere of death, burial and commemoration. It discusses the successful performance of rites to 'bring back the spirit' a year after death despite missionary and municipal prohibitions; it discusses the role of the innumerable Burial Societies in colonial Bulawayo; it discusses the efforts of educated young men to erect memorials for African kings and chiefs; it discusses the varying focus of three types of African urban Christianity—missionfounded churches, 'Ethiopianist' independent churches and Apostolic prophetic churches—on rituals of death. By so doing it opens up many questions about the social, political, cultural and religious life of an African Location in colonial southern Africa.


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