Social Construction of Gender and Sexuality in Online HIV/AIDS Information

Author(s):  
Jing Chong ◽  
Lynette Kvasny

HIV (human immunodeficiency virus) and AIDS (acquired immunodeficiency syndrome) represent a growing and significant health threat to women worldwide. According to the United Nations (UNAIDS/WHO, 2004), women now make up nearly half of all people living with HIV worldwide. In the United States, although males still accounted for 73% of all AIDS cases diagnosed in 2003, there is a marked increase in HIV and AIDS diagnoses among females. The estimated number of AIDS cases increased 15% among females and 1% among males from 1999 through 2003 (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2003). Looking closer at HIV and AIDS infections among women in the United States, Anderson and Smith (2004) report that HIV infection was the leading cause of death in 2001 for African-American women aged 25 to 34 years, and was among the four leading causes of death for African-American women aged 20 to 24 and 35 to 44 years, as well as Hispanic women aged 35 to 44 years. The rate of AIDS diagnoses for African-American women (50.2 out of 100,000 women) was approximately 25 times the rate for white women (2 out of 100,000) and 4 times the rate for Hispanic women (12.4 out of 100,000; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention). African-American and Hispanic women together represented about 25% of all U.S. women (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000), yet they account for 83% of AIDS diagnoses reported in 2003 (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention). Women’s vulnerability to HIV and AIDS may be attributed to gender inequalities in socioeconomic status, stereotypes of AIDS as a gay-male disease, and cultural ideology around sexual practices such as abstinence, monogamy, and condom use. Because of cultural mores and socioeconomic disadvantages, women may consequently have less access to prevention and care resources. Information is perhaps the most important HIV and AIDS resource for women, and the Internet provides a useful platform for disseminating information to a large cross-section of women. With the flourishing use of e-health resources and the growing number of public-access Internet sites, more and more people are using the Internet to obtain health-care information. Over two thirds of Americans (67%) are now online (Internet World Statistics, 2005). On a typical day, about 6 million Americans go online for medical advice. This exceeds the number of Americans who actually visit health professionals (Fox & Rainie, 2002). Studies also show that women are more likely to seek health information online than are men (Fox & Fallows, 2003; Fox & Rainie, 2000; Hern, Weitkamp, Hillard, Trigg, & Guard, 1998). HIV and AIDS patients are among the health-care consumers with chronic medical conditions who increasingly take the Internet as a major source of information (Kalichman, Weinhardt, Benotsch, & Cherry, 2002). As more Americans go online for health information, the actual efficacy of the information consumption becomes salient. Recent digital divide studies call for shifting from demographic statistics around technological access to socially informed research on effective use of technology (Gurstein, 2003; Hacker & Mason, 2003; Kvasny & Truex, 2001; Payton, 2003; Warschauer, 2002). Although the Internet provides a health information dissemination platform that is continuous, free, and largely anonymous, we should not assume that broader access and use will be translated into positive benefits. We must begin to critically examine the extent to which e-health content meets the needs of an increasingly diverse population of Internet users. To combat the AIDS pandemic, it is necessary to deliver information that is timely, credible, and multisectoral. It has to reach not just clinicians and scientists, but also behavioral specialists, policy makers, donors, activists, and industry leaders. It must also be accessible to affected individuals and communities (Garbus, Peiperl, & Chatani, 2002). Accessibility for affected individuals and communities would necessitate targeted, culturally salient, and unbiased information. This is a huge challenge. For instance, health providers’ insensitivity and biases toward women have been documented in the critical investigation of TV programs (Myrick, 1999; Raheim, 1996) and printed materials (Charlesworth, 2003). There is a lack of empirical evidence to demonstrate the extent to which and the conditions by which these biases are reproduced on the Internet. In what follows, we provide a conceptual framework for uncovering implicit gender biases in HIV and AIDS information. This framework is informed by the role of power in shaping the social construction of gender and sexuality. We conclude by describing how the framework can be applied in the analysis of online HIV and AIDS information resources.

2011 ◽  
pp. 1614-1620
Author(s):  
Jing Chong

HIV (human immunodeficiency virus) and AIDS (acquired immunodeficiency syndrome) represent a growing and significant health threat to women worldwide. According to the United Nations (UNAIDS/WHO, 2004), women now make up nearly half of all people living with HIV worldwide. In the United States, although males still accounted for 73% of all AIDS cases diagnosed in 2003, there is a marked increase in HIV and AIDS diagnoses among females. The estimated number of AIDS cases increased 15% among females and 1% among males from 1999 through 2003 (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2003). Looking closer at HIV and AIDS infections among women in the United States, Anderson and Smith (2004) report that HIV infection was the leading cause of death in 2001 for African-American women aged 25 to 34 years, and was among the four leading causes of death for African-American women aged 20 to 24 and 35 to 44 years, as well as Hispanic women aged 35 to 44 years. The rate of AIDS diagnoses for African-American women (50.2 out of 100,000 women) was approximately 25 times the rate for white women (2 out of 100,000) and 4 times the rate for Hispanic women (12.4 out of 100,000; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention). African-American and Hispanic women together represented about 25% of all U.S. women (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000), yet they account for 83% of AIDS diagnoses reported in 2003 (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention). Women’s vulnerability to HIV and AIDS may be attributed to gender inequalities in socioeconomic status, stereotypes of AIDS as a gay-male disease, and cultural ideology around sexual practices such as abstinence, monogamy, and condom use. Because of cultural mores and socioeconomic disadvantages, women may consequently have less access to prevention and care resources. Information is perhaps the most important HIV and AIDS resource for women, and the Internet provides a useful platform for disseminating information to a large cross-section of women. With the flourishing use of e-health resources and the growing number of public-access Internet sites, more and more people are using the Internet to obtain health-care information. Over two thirds of Americans (67%) are now online (Internet World Statistics, 2005). On a typical day, about 6 million Americans go online for medical advice. This exceeds the number of Americans who actually visit health professionals (Fox & Rainie, 2002). Studies also show that women are more likely to seek health information online than are men (Fox & Fallows, 2003; Fox & Rainie, 2000; Hern, Weitkamp, Hillard, Trigg, & Guard, 1998). HIV and AIDS patients are among the health-care consumers with chronic medical conditions who increasingly take the Internet as a major source of information (Kalichman, Weinhardt, Benotsch, & Cherry, 2002).


2011 ◽  
pp. 1549-1557
Author(s):  
Lynette Kvasny

In this article, we make a case for research which examines the cultural inclusiveness and salience of health portals. We make our case from the standpoint of African-American women. While healthcare should be a ubiquitous social good, health disparities exist among various demographic groups. In fact, health disparities have been placed on the U.S. disease prevention and health promotion agenda. Healthy People 2010 is an initiative sponsored by policy makers, researchers, medical centers, managed care organizations, and advocacy groups across the country. Although there is no consensus regarding what a health disparity is, sponsors agree that “racial and ethnic minorities experience multiple barriers to accessing healthcare, including not having health insurance, not having a usual source of care, location of providers, lack of transportation, lack of child care, and other factors. A growing body of evidence shows that racial and ethnic disparities in health outcomes, healthcare access, and quality of care exist even when insurance, income, and other access-related factors are controlled.”1 In addition to healthcare, African American women have less access to the internet. Even at equivalent income levels, African Americans are less likely than either whites or English speaking Hispanics to go online. Demographically, the composition of populations not online has not changed dramatically since 2000. Overall, 60% of the total U.S. population is online with African Americans making up 11% of the total U.S. population, 8% of the online population, and 14% of the offline population. However, when looking at those who are offline, African Americans are more likely than offline whites or Hispanics to believe that they will eventually go online (Lenhart, 2003). Although online health information is available from multiple sources, we focus solely on those health portals sponsored by the U.S. government. We made this choice based upon some early interviews with physicians and managers at a healthcare facility which serves predominantly African American clients. We learned that most clients exhibited a low degree of trust in information provided by pharmaceutical companies and other sources which seemed too commercial. Instead, clients searched for information from recognizable sources, and tended to use portals and search pages like Yahoo and Google. We found that portals sponsored by U.S. government agencies were received positively by clients. Also, portals like healthfinder.gov and cdc.gov are highly regarded by the Medical Library Association2 . Moreover, the government is entrusted to uphold values of democracy and social justice therefore the health information that they provide should be accessible to a demographically diverse audience. To gain insights into the cultural inclusiveness and salience of health portals, we use Nakumura’s notion of menu-driven identities. For Nakumara (2002), the internet is a discursive place in which identity is enacted. She uses the term “menudriven identities” to signify the ways in which content providers represent identities through the design of the interface and the personalization of content, and users perform their identity as they engage with the content. In what follows, we discuss health disparities and the promise of the internet in redressing inequities. Next, we further explain the ways in which users perform identity and health portals represent identities. We do this by theorizing about the health portals as mediating two-way communication between users and information providers. We conclude with directions for future research.


Author(s):  
Lynette Kvasny ◽  
Jennifer Warren

In this article, we make a case for research which examines the cultural inclusiveness and salience of health portals. We make our case from the standpoint of African-American women. While healthcare should be a ubiquitous social good, health disparities exist among various demographic groups. In fact, health disparities have been placed on the U.S. disease prevention and health promotion agenda. Healthy People 2010 is an initiative sponsored by policy makers, researchers, medical centers, managed care organizations, and advocacy groups across the country. Although there is no consensus regarding what a health disparity is, sponsors agree that “racial and ethnic minorities experience multiple barriers to accessing healthcare, including not having health insurance, not having a usual source of care, location of providers, lack of transportation, lack of child care, and other factors. A growing body of evidence shows that racial and ethnic disparities in health outcomes, healthcare access, and quality of care exist even when insurance, income, and other access-related factors are controlled.”1 In addition to healthcare, African American women have less access to the internet. Even at equivalent income levels, African Americans are less likely than either whites or English speaking Hispanics to go online. Demographically, the composition of populations not online has not changed dramatically since 2000. Overall, 60% of the total U.S. population is online with African Americans making up 11% of the total U.S. population, 8% of the online population, and 14% of the offline population. However, when looking at those who are offline, African Americans are more likely than offline whites or Hispanics to believe that they will eventually go online (Lenhart, 2003). Although online health information is available from multiple sources, we focus solely on those health portals sponsored by the U.S. government. We made this choice based upon some early interviews with physicians and managers at a healthcare facility which serves predominantly African American clients. We learned that most clients exhibited a low degree of trust in information provided by pharmaceutical companies and other sources which seemed too commercial. Instead, clients searched for information from recognizable sources, and tended to use portals and search pages like Yahoo and Google. We found that portals sponsored by U.S. government agencies were received positively by clients. Also, portals like healthfinder.gov and cdc.gov are highly regarded by the Medical Library Association2. Moreover, the government is entrusted to uphold values of democracy and social justice therefore the health information that they provide should be accessible to a demographically diverse audience. To gain insights into the cultural inclusiveness and salience of health portals, we use Nakumura’s notion of menu-driven identities. For Nakumara (2002), the internet is a discursive place in which identity is enacted. She uses the term “menu-driven identities” to signify the ways in which content providers represent identities through the design of the interface and the personalization of content, and users perform their identity as they engage with the content. In what follows, we discuss health disparities and the promise of the internet in redressing inequities. Next, we further explain the ways in which users perform identity and health portals represent identities. We do this by theorizing about the health portals as mediating two-way communication between users and information providers. We conclude with directions for future research.


2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 1363-1370 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica Brown ◽  
Katy O'Brien ◽  
Kelly Knollman-Porter ◽  
Tracey Wallace

Purpose The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) recently released guidelines for rehabilitation professionals regarding the care of children with mild traumatic brain injury (mTBI). Given that mTBI impacts millions of children each year and can be particularly detrimental to children in middle and high school age groups, access to universal recommendations for management of postinjury symptoms is ideal. Method This viewpoint article examines the CDC guidelines and applies these recommendations directly to speech-language pathology practices. In particular, education, assessment, treatment, team management, and ongoing monitoring are discussed. In addition, suggested timelines regarding implementation of services by speech-language pathologists (SLPs) are provided. Specific focus is placed on adolescents (i.e., middle and high school–age children). Results SLPs are critical members of the rehabilitation team working with children with mTBI and should be involved in education, symptom monitoring, and assessment early in the recovery process. SLPs can also provide unique insight into the cognitive and linguistic challenges of these students and can serve to bridge the gap among rehabilitation and school-based professionals, the adolescent with brain injury, and their parents. Conclusion The guidelines provided by the CDC, along with evidence from the field of speech pathology, can guide SLPs to advocate for involvement in the care of adolescents with mTBI. More research is needed to enhance the evidence base for direct assessment and treatment with this population; however, SLPs can use their extensive knowledge and experience working with individuals with traumatic brain injury as a starting point for post-mTBI care.


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