Gamers as Homeopathic Media Therapy

2022 ◽  
pp. 397-425
Author(s):  
Stephen Brock Schafer

Mainstream Western medical theory is based on treating the symptoms of disease—a dynamic derisively called “bandage treatment.” This medical perspective is the inverse of homeopathic theory, which aims to treat the quantum level cause of disease. Because homeopathy addresses the quantum “first cause” of disease, it establishes precedents for understanding Divine “First Cause.” Homeopathic theory and practice are based on recognizing symptomatic syndromes—a process very similar to Carl Jung's practice of inducing healing with a patient's insight as to the meaning of dream symbolism. This meaningful insight functions like the EM signature of a homeopathic remedy. The homeopathic physician augments “remediation” of phenotypes from quantum dimensions in the same way that a Jungian psychiatrist augments (amplifies) a patient's self-healing insight. The homeopathic/Jungian dynamic works something like antibodies that neutralize antigens, so—in a virtual EM unified media-field—contextual gamers can serve the function of antibodies against mediated toxicity.

PEDIATRICS ◽  
1981 ◽  
Vol 68 (3) ◽  
pp. 447-447
Author(s):  
T. E. C.

Jeremy Bentham (1748-1832), English philosopher, jurist, political theorist, and founder of the doctrine of utilitarianism, was also influential in the field of medical theory and practice. Spector1 has called attention to the following data set down by Bentham more than a century and a half before the emergence of modern interest in child development. This list shows Bentham's prescience in conceptualizing the data that would need to be collected before one could properly understand the temporal steps in a child's development. 1. Advances independent of instruction: First indication of fear, smiling, recognizing persons Indication of a preference for a particular person Indication of a dislike for a particular person Attention to musical sounds Appearance of first tooth Appearance of each of the successive teeth; duration and degree of pain and illness in cutting teeth Giving toys or food to others Attempt to imitate sound laughter General progress in bodily or intellectual requirements whether uniform or by sudden degree 2. Advances dependent upon instruction: Standing, supported by one arm Standing, supporting itself by resting the hands Token of obedience to will of others Command of natural evacuation Walking, supporting itself by chairs Standing alone Walking alone Pointing out the seat of pain.


Lituanistica ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Palmira Zemlevičiūtė

The article deals with the names referring to persons engaged in medicine and related sciences as used in the 1920 issues of Medicina, a medical theory and practice magazine of independent Lithuania. The author identifies their meanings and typical groups, discusses their composition and characteristics, and, to some extent, touches upon the matters of their structure and origin. The names of the actors in the medical field carry a high degree of semantic diversity and fall into four identifiable core groups: (1) the names of persons administering treatment, (2) the names of medical training persons, (3) the names of pharmacy persons, and (4) the names of persons undergoing treatment. Within these groups, names further branch off into subgroups based on a set of different, often individual aspects. Still, there are several frequently occurring aspects that should be distinguished: these are the aspects of college medical education, the connection with the military, and the qualifying degree. Although all names of these actors in the medical field are covered by the overarching seme of medicine, they all vary in differential semes. In terms of word formation, the prevailing names for the actors in the medical field are compound words with their key components mostly deriving from Lithuanian terms. Obviously, the prevalence of compounds is the outcome of the need to name different persons associated with medical science and practice, as well as patients, something that cannot be done with single-word terms. Today, many think of a scientific text as one defined by an abundance of foreign terms. The subject source of the names for the actors in the medical field is a science magazine, yet most of the names are of Lithuanian origin. Many of them are suffixal derivatives: gydytojas ‘physician’, mokovas ‘expert’, slaugytojas ‘nurse’, pribuvėja ‘midwife’, seselė ‘sister’, vaistininkas ‘pharmacist’, ligonis ‘a sick person’, džiovininkas ‘a consumptive’, etc. Loanwords are dominated by words of Latin (daktaras ‘doctor’, medikas ‘medic’, pacientas ‘patient’, provizorius ‘pharmaceutical chemist’, sanitaras (‘orderly’), etc.) and Greek (anatomas ‘anatomist’, chirurgas ‘surgeon’, fiziologas ‘physiologist’, terapeutas ‘therapist’, etc.) origin. Hybrids are not very common and usually have a borrowed root and a Lithuanian suffix (stipendininkas ‘scholar’, farmacininkas ‘pharmacist’, venerininkas ‘a male with a venereal disease’, kretinaitė ‘a female with cretinism’, and so on). Conformity with the terminological criterion can mostly be observed in the names of persons administering treatment, whereas a number of the names of persons undergoing treatment are not very terminological due to them being expressed by substantival adjectives and, typically, participles (apsikrėtusysis ‘one who has caught a disease’, pažeistasis ‘(the) affected’, sergantysis ‘(the) sick’, sveikasis ‘(the) healthy’, etc.), or descriptive word combinations (akių liga sergantysis ‘one with an eye disease’, grįžtamąja šiltine sergantysis (‘one with recurrent typhus’, etc.). In addition to linguistic and terminological evidence, the names of actors in the medical field convey a certain amount of subject-related (medical) information. Their meanings provide insight into the medical situation in Lithuania in 1920, practitioners, the most common illnesses of the period, and so on.


Author(s):  
Christopher Crosbie

This chapter argues that John Marston’s Antonio’s Revenge adopts a Galenic understanding of corporeal pneumatics to debunk Stoic apatheia and reveal it as inherently incompatible with nature. Marston’s play not only represents the body’s subtlest operations as instinctively countering the trauma wrought by tragedy through its pneumatic systems. He also, by affiliating revenge with a pneumatic process of instinctive self-healing, undercuts Stoicism's broader cosmological notion of pneuma as a “containing cause,” a pervasive force that imbues the universe with rationality and provides for the Stoic sage tranquility amid suffering. By appropriating Galen's theory of corporeal pneumatics and sharing the physician-philosopher's anti-stoic sentiment, Marston creates an ontological framework for his play that situates Antonio's final vengeance as acting in accordance with how his world, at its most rudimentary levels, operates. Drawing on Galenic medical theory and anti-stoic philosophy, Marston surprisingly figures retribution as physiologically beneficial, a visceral response to trauma that addresses the body’s intrinsic need for constitutional equilibrium. In doing so, Marston’s play introduces a therapeutic register to revenge attentive, unlike the rigors of Stoicism, to the body's inherent impulse – extending even to its most attenuated material components – toward attaining palliation for the debilitating effects of physical and emotional trauma.


1997 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-173 ◽  
Author(s):  
GEORGE C. ALTER ◽  
ANN G. CARMICHAEL

On November 11–14 1993, Indiana University hosted a conference on the ‘History of Registration of Causes of Death’, with funding from the US National Institute on Aging and the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development. The conference brought together historians of medicine and historically-oriented demographers and epidemiologists to discuss the origins of the recording of causes of death and the possible uses of these documents in demographic and epidemiological research. Demographers and epidemiologists would like to use long-run series of causes of death to examine the effects of social and economic conditions, the availability of health care, and specific risk factors on mortality. Many important questions (such as the effects of early health experiences on old-age morbidity and mortality) are best studied with data on changes over long periods of time. However, it is very difficult to construct a consistent series of deaths by cause over time because advances in medical theory and practice have led to significant changes in the classification of diseases. For example, it is unclear whether the prevalence of heart disease was increasing, decreasing, or constant before 1940, because heart disease was often classified under other categories.The essays in this special number of Continuity and Change offer a range of insights on the historical circumstances in which cause-of-death registration emerged. They help us to see the ways in which medical theory, medical practitioners, and their increasingly influential professional organizations shaped the conceptualization of reporting of causes of death. Günter Risse's ‘Causes of death as a historical problem’ serves as an overview of the problems that social historians of medicine find underlying any continuous history of mortality experience. Above all, he argues, medical historians react as historians, wary of Whiggish confidence in state records without attention to the ideologies governing their creation.


2005 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 276-314 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sabine Wilms

Early and medieval Chinese medical authors produced, preserved, and transmitted medical information on ̒nurturing the fetus̓ as an important aspect of literature on ̒nurturing life̓ and ensuring the continuation of the family lineage. This article demonstrates the origin and development of a textual tradition from the Mawangdui manuscripts in the early second century BCE to early medieval formularies such as the Beiji qianjin yaofang and material found in the Japanese compendium lshimpiō. In this process, early descriptions of the month-by-month development of the fetus and corresponding instructions for the mother were preserved almost literally, but gradually supplemented with elements that reflected developments in medical theory and practice. These include correlations between months, five phases, and internal organs according to the theory of systematic correspondences; detailed descriptions of acupuncture channels and points prohibited during each month of pregnancy; medicinal formulas for the prevention and treatment of disorders of pregnancy; and, lastly, ten line drawings that depict the monthly changes in the naked body of a pregnant woman and her fetus, as well as prohibited acupuncture channels and points. Texts on ̒nurturing the fetus̓ thus show the influence of cosmology and yin-yang theory, formulary literature, acumoxa charts and prohibitions, and vessel and visceral theory, but most importantly, a growing attention to the genderspecific medical needs of female bodies in the context of ̒formulas for women.̓


Author(s):  
Ruiping FAN

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.本文試圖綜合本期各篇文章的主要觀點,依據“目的”、“體驗”和“價值”三條線索來對傳統中醫和現代西醫做一初步的評價。由於醫學的內在目的在於防治疾病、維護健康,而不是追求真理、認識世界,因而中醫與西醫都可以發揮作用,現代化研究與傳統式探索也可以並行不諱,只要有助於醫學的目的即可。此外,西方醫學從傳統走向現代的過程,乃是從重視病人的親身感受轉向注重病理解剖事實的過程,而中醫學體系提供了一種不同的臨床現象學。最後,醫學是負荷看價值和意識形態的人類活動,應當超越當前的技術烏托邦傾向,成為良好生活方式的一個和諧部分。The contemporary world is characteristic of science-fetishism and technological utopia. Every social issue is explored in the name of science, and all difficult problems are to be resolved by renovated technologies. This is even more so in modern China than in the West. The people attempt to modernize their lives in all respects. For many of them, everything old needs to be weighed on a modern scientific scale and anything unscientific must be rejected. This constitutes the context in which traditional Chinese medicine is generally evaluated. This essay argues that this context is misleading. It intends to reevaluate traditional Chinese versus modern Western medicine in consideration of the internal aim of medicine, patients, experiences, and ideologies and values.There has been a long-standing debate in China in this century regarding whether or not traditional Chinese medicine is a science. Both sides of the debate, ironically, agree that if traditional Chinese medicine is not a science, it should be abandoned. However, this debate is non-sensical. Medicine as medicine, whether it is a traditional medicine or a modern medicine, is not a science. Medicine is not a science because its internal aim differs from the aim of science. While the internal aim of science can be identified as pursuing truth and knowing the world, the internal aim of medicine consists in maintaining health as well as treating and preventing diseases. Undoubtedly, modern Western medicine is scientific. Its theories and practices are based upon typical modern sciences such as physics, chemistry and biology. But medicine as medicine does not have to be scientific. Given the internal aim of medicine, as long as a practice or method contributes to the treatment of disease or the promotion of health, it is legitimate. The existence of varieties of non-scientific alternative medicine and faith medicine in the US where modern science and technology are most advanced, is a good example of this. To put it in a famous Chinese saying, "whether it is a white cat or a black cat, as long as it catchesthe mouse, it is a good cat."No one can deny the tremendous achievements that modern scientific medicine has made in fighting diseases. However, focused on a technologized anatomico-pathologic view of the body and diseases, contemporary medicine discounts the significance of patient complaints and it is naturally easy to lose sight of the non-technological aspects of medical practice, especially the experience of the sick person. Traditional Chinese medical theory and practice provide a heuristic alternative. By viewing the essence of illness as symptom-complex rather than anatomico-pathological lesion, by identifying imbalanced climate and emotional factors rather than disease entities as the sources of illnesses, by using ordinary contacts rather than complicated lab and mechanical investigations as medical examining tools, by focusing on the experience of being sick rather than on pathological anatomy, by following balancing rather than curing as the treatment principle, and by emphasizing prevention rather than treatment, traditionalChinese medicine offers a systematic medical phenomenological system in which a patient’s life experience and intuitive knowledge of the body is the center of clinical practice.Finally, medical theory and practice are value-laden. "Our ideologies and expectations concerning the world move us to select certain states as illnesses because of our judgment as to what is dysfunctional or a deformity and to select certain causal sequences,etiological patterns, as being of interest to us because they are bound to groups of phenomena we identify as illnesses" (Engelhardt). Our ideologies and expectations also move us to select certain modes of medicine and therapeutic methods as most useful and promising because of our judgments about the appropriateness and efficacy of practical instruments. Accordingly, practicing and accepting medicine is part of a way of life. As people accept different value systems and life expectations, they must be careful about what medicine and technology they want to accept and develop. We must reflect on the contemporary ideology of technological utopia that intends to resolve all problems by newly developed complicated technologies. Not all conflicts and tensions of life can be resolved by technologies. What is worse, the overwhelmingly powerful incentive to develop high tech medicine in the third-world countries would drain on their scarce health care resources, which would significantly harm most people in those countries.DOWNLOAD HISTORY | This article has been downloaded 15 times in Digital Commons before migrating into this platform.


Author(s):  
Marli F. Weiner ◽  
Mazie Hough

This chapter examines how physicians developed the concept of place to reconcile the complexities of race and sex when defining bodies and their health and sicknesses. In the increasingly contested political arena of the antebellum years, southern physicians knew that their work would most likely be received favorably if it reinforced the region's distinctiveness. Awareness that some places were inherently unhealthy and that some people were more likely to get sick in them was part of the anecdotal medical lore that informed physicians' thinking about bodies as placed. Doctors were well aware that southerners fell victim to different diseases and had to be treated differently from people elsewhere in the nation. Thus, doctors argued that a specifically southern medical theory and practice was necessary. This chapter explores how nineteenth-century physicians seeking to understand the consequences of placed bodies invoked the South's climate and the concept of acclimation to explain disease. It shows that laypeople shared physicians' convictions that medicine was specific to place and that bodies were shaped by their environment.


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