Uses and Gratifications of Social Media in the Production of Political Information during the 2015 Egyptian Parliamentary Election

Author(s):  
Hamza Saad Mohamed

This study aims to investigate the extent to which university students are actively seeking out political information on social media during the 2015 Egyptian parliamentary elections. Moreover, it explores the impact of social media usage in the production of political information and its influence on participants' likelihood to vote. A random sample of 400 students at three public Egyptian universities qualified to vote in the 2015 parliamentary election were selected. The interesting result that emerged from this study was that students use social media for seeking information mainly in politics during the election more than pass time and entertainment purposes. Furthermore, the findings have shown that social media usage increased both the political information and participants' likelihood to vote during the 2015 parliamentary election.

2014 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristof Jacobs ◽  
Niels Spierings

…But does it win you votes? The impact of politicians’ Twitter usage during the Dutch parliamentary elections in 2012 …But does it win you votes? The impact of politicians’ Twitter usage during the Dutch parliamentary elections in 2012 One of the most relevant questions for campaigners and politicians is: what determines the number of votes a candidate gets? Recent studies have shown that usage of social media such as Twitter might have a (modest) impact on the number preference votes of a candidate. However, these studies used data on elections in which only a very limited group of politicians used Twitter. In such a context it was easy for a candidate to stand out. It remains to be seen whether this effect also holds in times of widespread usage. This study examines the impact of Twitter use in the Dutch 2012 national elections and as such replicates previous studies in a changed context. This provides new test to assess whether there (still) is an impact of social media usage on preference votes. It uses a unique dataset of all 531 candidates of the parties that won at least one seat in the 2012 election. Between 2010 and 2012, Twitter use skyrocketed: the number of candidates having an account increased from 34.1 to 75.5% and the average number of tweets increased from 3.6 to 9.7 per politician a day. In this new context of widespread Twitter usage, there seems to be a modest effect of tweeting. Comparing these results to those of previous studies suggests that in 2012 the situation was more equalized: more candidates seemed to have something to win, but the number of extra votes that Twitter yielded, was considerably lower. As such it seems that the competition has become much fiercer.


Author(s):  
Dan Mercea

This article leverages social media and survey data to probe the scope and depth of political knowledge possessed by participants in the Romanian 2017 #rezist protests. For several months, demonstrators gathered in town squares around the country to oppose a project law intended to water down penalties for corruption in high office. Against the backdrop of well-founded scepticism regarding exposure to and engagement with political knowledge on social media, we scrutinize the social media usage of protestors with an interest in the formulation and circulation of political knowledge. We find evidence of applied political knowledge as a prominent component of public activist communication on Facebook. An examination of the network structure further revealed bottlenecks in the circulation and brokerage of knowledge, a result that helps qualify the aforementioned scepticism.


Author(s):  
Kevin Munger ◽  
Patrick J. Egan ◽  
Jonathan Nagler ◽  
Jonathan Ronen ◽  
Joshua Tucker

Abstract Does social media educate voters, or mislead them? This study measures changes in political knowledge among a panel of voters surveyed during the 2015 UK general election campaign while monitoring the political information to which they were exposed on the Twitter social media platform. The study's panel design permits identification of the effect of information exposure on changes in political knowledge. Twitter use led to higher levels of knowledge about politics and public affairs, as information from news media improved knowledge of politically relevant facts, and messages sent by political parties increased knowledge of party platforms. But in a troubling demonstration of campaigns' ability to manipulate knowledge, messages from the parties also shifted voters' assessments of the economy and immigration in directions favorable to the parties' platforms, leaving some voters with beliefs further from the truth at the end of the campaign than they were at its beginning.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Shaoyu Ye ◽  
Kevin K.W. Ho ◽  
Andre Zerbe

Purpose This study aims to clarify the effects of different patterns of Facebook, Twitter and Instagram usage on user loneliness and well-being in Japan. Design/methodology/approach Based on responses to a self-report questionnaire in Japan, 155 university students were separated into 4 groups: users of Twitter only, users of Twitter and Facebook, users of Twitter and Instagram and users of all three social media. The effects of social media usage on loneliness and well-being for each group were analysed. Findings No social media usage effects on loneliness or well-being were detected for those who used only Twitter or both Twitter and Instagram. For those using both Twitter and Facebook, loneliness was reduced when users accessed Twitter and Facebook more frequently but was increased when they posted more tweets. Users of all three social media were lonelier and had lower levels of well-being when they accessed Facebook via PC longer; whereas their their access time of Facebook via smartphones helped them decrease loneliness and improve their levels of well-being. Originality/value The findings reported here provide possible explanations for the conflicting results reported in previous research by exploring why users choose different social media platforms to communicate with different groups of friends or acquaintances and different usage patterns that affect their loneliness and well-being.


Significance This is expected to be followed by the first parliamentary election since 2014, at some point in early 2022. It now looks increasingly likely that both elections will be delayed. The electoral process lacks the elements it would need to be truly transformative, but it is prompting shifts in the political elite which will dictate developments for at least the next year. Impacts Khalifa Haftar will keep pushing for his armed group to form the core of Libya’s future army Seif al-Islam Qadhafi’s candidacy in the elections is unlikely to result in him becoming president. Aguileh Saleh looks set to stay on as House of Representatives speaker with no clear date for parliamentary elections.


2016 ◽  
Vol 23 (6) ◽  
pp. 731-745 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ekrem Karakoç ◽  
Talha Köse ◽  
Mesut Özcan

This study investigates the impact of emigration on the political behavior of citizens in Egypt. In particular, it argues that emigrants’ family members are more likely to vote for Salafi parties for several reasons, including the transfer of religious remittances by Egyptian emigrants to the Gulf and the influence of transnational Salafi networks. In order to test our argument, we conducted an original public opinion survey with around 1100 individuals between January 12, 2012 and January 25, 2012, just after the Egyptian parliamentary election. We find that individuals with family members who had emigrated to the Gulf voted heavily for Islamist parties, particularly the Freedom and Justice Party and the Nour Party. Further analysis shows that there is no statistical difference between individuals with and without emigrant family members in voting for the Muslim Brotherhood, while the Nour’s popularity among voters with emigrant family members is substantial and statistically significant. In particular, we find that the strongest support for the Nour came from individuals whose family members had immigrated to Saudi Arabia, whereas those whose family members had immigrated to other countries, including other Gulf countries, do not differ significantly from non-emigrant family members in their party preferences.


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