scholarly journals Norman Mailer - the most influental critic of contemporary reality in the second half of the twentieth century

2013 ◽  
Vol 46 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 81-92
Author(s):  
Jasna Potočnik Topler

Norman Mailer, one of the most influential authors of the second half of the twentieth century, faithfully followed his principle that a writer should alsobe a critic of contemporary reality. Therefore, most of his works portray the reality of the United States of America and the complexities of the contemporary American scene. Mailer described the spirit of his time - from the terror of war and numerous dynamic social and political processes to the 1969 moon landing. Conflicts were often in the centre of his writing, as was the relationship between an individual and the society; he speaks of politicalpower and the dangerous power of capital, while pointing to the threat of totalitarianism in America. Mailer spent his entire career writing about violence, power, perverted sexuality, the phenomenon of Hitler, terrorism, religion and corruption. He continually pointed out that individuals were in constant danger of losing freedom and dignity.

Author(s):  
Karen Ann Donnachie ◽  
Andy Simionato

This paper will outline the ideation, background and development of the electronic artwork The Trumpet of the Swan (Donnachie & Simionato, 2017) presented by the authors at the Electronic Literature Organisation conference in Porto, Portugal in 2017. The artwork is a custom-coded drawing-robot which automatically inscribes in natural media, every post published from the personal Twitter profile of the 45th President of the United States of America, Donald Trump, identified on Twitter as @realDonaldTrump. The machine, which has the appearance reminiscent of a swan, including a broad “body” balanced on two short legs that end in webbed “feet”, is a semi-autonomous robot that writes in a pen, crowned by a long white plume, on a continuous scroll of paper while producing bird-like sounds. The drawing-robot remains permanently in a state of attention and the demonstrated sequence of actions can only be triggered remotely and by the 45th President of the U.S.A. himself (or more precisely, by whomever publishes a new tweet through his Twitter account ‘@realDonaldTrump’). In other words, to borrow a popular phrase taken from twentieth century cold-war propaganda: only the President has the ability to “launch” this artwork which otherwise remains dormant, in waiting.


Author(s):  
Juliane Hammer

American Muslims are often seen as either unassimilable immigrants or as African Americans who only “adopted” Islam as rebellion against Christian-sanctioned racist exclusion. This chapter brings into meaningful conversation these two often divided arenas of definition, agency, and political space by focusing on the categories of “Islam” and “race” and how they have been negotiated, applied, rejected, and forced by and onto various people since the eighteenth century. It shows how Muslims in the United States are both American and transnational, since the relationship between race and religion is globally negotiated. It also considers the intersections of religion and race with gender and sexuality, surveying research on Muslim slaves, naturalization cases in the early twentieth century, Noble Drew Ali and the Moorish Science Temple, the Nation of Islam, the racialization of Muslims after 9/11, and the Muslim Anti-Racism Collaborative.


2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-59
Author(s):  
Kenneth Weisbrode

Lewis Einstein (1877–1967) was a little-known diplomat who became one of Theodore Roosevelt's closest advisers on European affairs. Roosevelt's attraction to Einstein derived not only from a keen writing style and considerable fluency in European history, literature and politics, but also from his instinct for anticipating the future of European rivalries and for the important role the United States could play there in preserving peace. The two men shared a perspective on the twentieth century that saw the United States as a central arbiter and enforcer of international order—a position the majority of Americans would accept and promote only after the Second World War. The relationship between Roosevelt and Einstein sheds light on the rising status of American diplomacy and diplomats and their self-image vis-à-vis Europe at the turn of the twentieth century.


2020 ◽  
pp. 39-62
Author(s):  
Maciej Turek

The aim of the paper is to analyze the relationship between campaign money and winning the 2016 and 2020 presidential nominations in the United States. While in the last two decades of the twentieth century candidates who raised most money almost always became major party nominees, the record is mixed for presidential cycles 2004-2012. By comparing various dimensions of campaign finance, including activities of candidates' campaign committees and outside groups, the Author demonstrates that while successful fundraising, resulting in dozens of millions of dollars at the disposal of candidates, seems necessary to run a competitive campaign, raising the most money is no longer pre-requisite for becoming major party presidential nominee.


Author(s):  
Jeffery S. McDonald

This chapter primarily analyzes the history of American Presbyterian polity from the eighteenth to twenty-first centuries, but it also gives some attention to Presbyterian polity outside the United States. It examines the Adopting Act of 1729 along with various denominational disputes and schisms. Presbyterianism was greatly affected by the First and Second Great Awakenings, which led to polarization. The schism between New Side and Old Side Presbyterians was the result of differing attitudes to conversion and issue of creedal assent. Presbyterians relationship with the Congregationalists also led to a weakening of Presbyterian polity and to differing attitudes toward evangelism. In 1837, Presbyterians split into Old School and New School parties, and thereafter Presbyterians became more reflective about their polity. The relationship between polity and theology has been a source of tension for Presbyterians, and in the twentieth century, polity was in the ascendency in American mainline Presbyterianism. Several significant twentieth-century PCUSA events reveal the dominance of polity and the resulting fracturing of American Presbyterianism.


Author(s):  
Salah Mahdi Hadi ◽  
Noor Abdul-Ilah Ajrash

The rules of (mutual accumulation strategy) overshadow the history of the crisis relations between the United States of America and Iran four decades ago, and if we recall that, we will notice several collision joints between the two parties, starting with the hostage crisis of the American embassy in Iran from 4/11/1979 to 20 / 1/1981 AD, to the "Marines" attempt to storm this embassy in an operation called "Eagle Claw" on 4/24/1980 AD, to the tanker war in the eighties of the last century, to the exchange of downing drones in 2019, and finally what happened between the United States The United States and Iran from the moment targeting (Qassem Soleimani), commander of the "Quds Force" on 1/3/2020, until the Iranian missile response and targeting of the American forces in the two "Ain al-Assad" bases in Anbar province, and the "Harir" base in Arbil province on 1/8/ 2020 AD, all of this falls within the context of (mutual accumulation strategy) between the two parties, without going to a comprehensive confrontation through war or a knockout, because the logic of war or comprehensive confrontation is outside the political and military mindsets of the two parties, and the meaning of all of this is that turmoil forms the basis of the relationship between the states The The United States and Iran, because the turmoil and the limited clash with it through mutual strikes, do not necessarily lead to an open clash.


Author(s):  
Adeana McNicholl

ABSTRACT This article traces the life of a single figure, Sufi Abdul Hamid, to bring into conversation the history of the transmission of Buddhism to the United States with the emergence of new Black religio-racial movements in the early twentieth century. It follows Hamid's activities in the 1930s to ask what Hamid's life reveals about the relationship between Buddhism and race in the United States. On the one hand, Hamid's own negotiation of his identity as a Black Orientalist illustrates the contentious process through which individuals negotiate their religio-racial identities in tension with hegemonic religio-racial frameworks. Hamid constructed a Black Orientalist identity that resignified Blackness while criticizing the racial injustice foundational to the American nation-state. His Black Orientalist identity at times resonated with global Orientalist discourses, even while being recalcitrant to the hegemonic religio-racial frameworks of white Orientalism. The subversive positioning of Hamid's Black Orientalist identity simultaneously lent itself to his racialization by others. This is illustrated through Hamid's posthumous implication in a conspiracy theory known as the “Black Buddhism Plan.” This theory drew on imaginations of a Black Pacific community formulated by both Black Americans and by government authorities who created Japanese Buddhists and new Black religio-racial movements as subjects of surveillance. The capacious nature of Hamid's religio-racial identity, on the one hand constructed and performed by Hamid himself, and on the other created in the shadow of the dominant discourses of a white racial state, demonstrates that Buddhism in the United States is always constituted by race.


Author(s):  
Lewis R. Gordon

Lewis R. Gordon argues that Wright’s writings cast light on the suffocating world produced by colonialism, enslavement, and racism, in which black people are treated as if they simply don’t matter. Wright showed that blacks in the United States are fundamentally historically excluded from the political, aesthetic, and epistemic institutions of the only world to which they are indigenous. By pulling readers into places “they wished never to go,” he demonstrated how the erosion of black political power in fact increased political impotence among humankind. Wright, argues Gordon, was particularly prescient about the relationship between the racist state and twentieth-century fascism. They jointly eradicate conditions of political appearance and freedom, replacing them with unilateral rule.


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