Building local party organizations in Thailand: strengthening party rootedness or serving elite interests? PUNCHADA SIRIVUNNABOOD

2012 ◽  
pp. 181-203
Keyword(s):  
Party Organizations ◽  
Local Party

The Political Socialization of Activists in the British Communist Party

1973 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. T. Denver ◽  
J. M. Bochel
Keyword(s):  
Political Socialization ◽  
Local Level ◽  
The Political ◽  
British Politics ◽  
Party Organizations ◽  
Lack Of Information ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Background ◽  
Party Activists ◽  
Local Party

In the ten years or so since the publication of Hyman's seminal work, 1 students of politics have given increasing attention to political socialization. There has been a proliferation of works utilizing the concept. 2 The notion of socialization has perhaps been most rigorously applied in studies of the development of the political attitudes of children and adolescents, 3 but it has also been employed, if rather more loosely, in the study of adult electors. 4 There is, however, a dearth of material relating to the socialization of party activists at local level. This is not to say that the social and political background and the recruitment patterns of party activists have not been investigated, 5 but the concept of political socialization has not been explicitly or very rigorously employed. The importance of local party organizations and their memberships has not always been self-evident to students of politics and we do not propose to argue the point here. We merely assert that British parties and British politics derive much of their ‘style’ from the character of party activists. This being the case, we feel that the relative lack of information about the socialization of activists represents a considerable gap.

Regional party networks and the limits of democratic norm diffusion in Southeast Asia

2016 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 128-141
Author(s):  
Dirk Tomsa
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Diffusion Processes ◽  
Democracy Promotion ◽  
Norm Diffusion ◽  
Party Organizations ◽  
Norms And Values ◽  
Democratic Norms ◽  
Multidimensional Process ◽  
Local Party

Regional party networks are an important instrument for democracy promotion organizations intent on helping build democratic party structures. The main goals of these networks are usually capacity-building and the provision of communication channels, but the affiliation with international donors also turns these networks into contested forums for the diffusion of global norms and values. This article will illustrate that these norm diffusion processes are subject to significant constraints as transnational party networks are shaped by the pre-existing norms and electoral self-interests of their constituent members. The article uses a case study of the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats to argue that the diffusion of Western democratic norms through regional party networks is a multidimensional process that can be successful in building small fraternities of committed norm recipients, but faces severe limitations when it comes to transmitting these norms further on into local party organizations.

The Etiology of Partisan Competition

1983 ◽  
Vol 78 (3) ◽  
pp. 691-707 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel C. Patterson ◽  
Gregory A. Caldeira
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Regional Differences ◽  
State Level ◽  
Educational Levels ◽  
Party Organizations ◽  
American States ◽  
Political Competitiveness ◽  
Partisan Competition ◽  
North And South ◽  
Local Party

In this inquiry, we focus upon the question, “Why are political parties more competitive in some states than they are in others?” We have measured partisan competition as the closeness between the two major political parties in the results of state-level elections, and we have chosen to analyze elections in American states in the 1970s. To account for variations among the states on the dimension of partisan competitiveness, we formulate and present four discrete lines of reasoning—including socio-demographics, urbanization, diversity, and the strength of party organizations. We test each of these avenues of explanation in turn, always taking into account the watershed between North and South in partisan competition. The results vindicate the utility of our general approach, although we do find that each of the four modes of explanation is wanting in some respect. In a full-blown multivariate context, we report that educational levels and urbanization do influence variations among states in partisan competition. Equally compelling and perhaps more interesting, the strength and activism of local party organizations in the states profoundly affect political competitiveness, even when we take stark regional differences into consideration.

Reforming and Updating Cadre Training in Zouping’s Communist Party Schools

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charlotte Lee
Keyword(s):  
Adaptive Capacity ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Local Level ◽  
The Political ◽  
Chinese Society ◽  
Changing Environment ◽  
Party Organizations ◽  
Local Party

Institutions of cadre training in Zouping have adjusted to the broad transformations that have swept across the party and Chinese society. Changes in cadre training at the local level demonstrate the responsiveness of traditional Leninist organizations, such as grassroots party schools, to a rapidly changing environment. Cadre training has fragmented, and there now exist myriad providers of services that compete and complement the work of party schools. Party schools have responded to competition by diversifying their portfolio of activities. This indicates that there is adaptive capacity within local party organizations, but these organizations must strike a careful balance between the political imperatives of the party and the economic pressures of the market.

Attributes of Ascribed Influence in Local Party Organizations in Canada and the United States

1972 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 206-233
Author(s):  
Allan Kornberg ◽  
Joel Smith ◽  
Harold Clarke
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Party Organizations ◽  
Local Party

On tente dans cet article d'établir comment sont perçues la distribution et la localisation de l'influence dans les organisations partisanes de Vancouver, Winnipeg, Seattle et Minneapolis. On présume que la mesure de l'influence peut se faire de façon graduelle en agrégeant selon la méthode « réputationnelle » le nombre de choix que reçoit un individu de la part des autres. L'article tient compte de la remarque de V.O. Key voulant que l'influence dans un parti politique peut appartenir à des individus qui ne se trouvent pas dans l'organisation officielle, et de celle de Samuel J. Eldersveld voulant que le pouvoir et l'influence dans les partis n'appartiennent pas uniquement à ceux qui se trouvent au sommet de la hiérarchie. Toutefois, l'utilisation du coefficient de Gini, visant à mesurer le degré d'inégalité dans la distribution de l'influence, indique que, quel que soit le parti ou le pays, c'est à une petite minorité qu'on attribue de l'influence.Des analyses de régression cherchent à dégager les variables qui sont associées aux variations de l'influence dans les différentes organisations partisanes des deux pays. A peu près toutes les mesures qui sont significatives renvoient à trois facteurs: (1) différents aspects des postes occupés dans le parti et de la façon dont les tâches sont accomplies; (2) l'expérience acquise à des postes gouvernementaux et la « visibilité » de ces postes; (3) différentes composantes du statut personnel. On doit toutefois être prudent dans l'interprétation des résultats de l'analyse de régression, et ce pour deux raisons: la distribution en forme de J de la variable dépendante, et l'incertitude où l'on se trouve quant à savoir si les variations observées réflètent des différences profondes entre les villes étudiées ou plutôt des circonstances particulières affectant les organisations partisanes.

How far right local party organizations develop

2016 ◽  
Vol 23 (6) ◽  
pp. 804-820 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonis A Ellinas ◽  
Iasonas Lamprianou
Keyword(s):  
Organizational Development ◽  
National Level ◽  
Organizational Outcomes ◽  
Party Organization ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Party Leadership ◽  
Party Organizations ◽  
Unique Data ◽  
Local Party

The literature on far right parties emphasizes the importance of party organization for electoral persistence. Yet, a lot is still unknown about the organizational development of these parties. This article examines the microdynamics of organizational development and explores why some party organizations succeed and others fail. It focuses on the local rather than the national level and analyzes grassroots activities rather than party leadership, institutions, or members. To analyze organizational development, the article uses an original and unique data set of 3594 activities of the Greek Golden Dawn (GD) supplemented by interviews with the GD leadership and activists as well as with evidence from hundreds of newspaper reports. It uses this evidence to trace local party activism and to document variation in local organizational outcomes. To account for why some local party organizations succeed or fail, it suggests that, rather than solely following electoral logic, the organizational development of far right parties also relates to the way they respond to challenges from antifascist groups and state authorities.

The Electoral Relevance of Local Party Organizations

1990 ◽  
Vol 84 (1) ◽  
pp. 225-235 ◽  
Author(s):  
John P. Frendreis ◽  
James L. Gibson ◽  
Laura L. Vertz
Keyword(s):  
Electoral Politics ◽  
Activity Level ◽  
Direct Effects ◽  
Party Organizations ◽  
Local Strength ◽  
Joint Planning ◽  
Local Party

We examine the role that one group of party units—county party organizations—play in electoral politics, based on electoral and county party organizational data collected during 1980–84. Local party chairs report their organizations are involved in a number of electorally relevant activities, including candidate recruitment, joint planning with candidate organizations, and various independent campaign activities. The data demonstrate that county party organizations are indeed effective. The probability of a minority party's running candidates for lower-level offices, which appears to contribute to higher vote totals for higher-level offices, is a function of the local strength and activity level of the party; whereas direct effects are seen to be small. These data suggest that even if mainly at the candidate recruitment stage of the process, party organizations play an important role in local electoral politics.

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