The Political Socialization of Activists in the British Communist Party

1973 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. T. Denver ◽  
J. M. Bochel

In the ten years or so since the publication of Hyman's seminal work, 1 students of politics have given increasing attention to political socialization. There has been a proliferation of works utilizing the concept. 2 The notion of socialization has perhaps been most rigorously applied in studies of the development of the political attitudes of children and adolescents, 3 but it has also been employed, if rather more loosely, in the study of adult electors. 4 There is, however, a dearth of material relating to the socialization of party activists at local level. This is not to say that the social and political background and the recruitment patterns of party activists have not been investigated, 5 but the concept of political socialization has not been explicitly or very rigorously employed. The importance of local party organizations and their memberships has not always been self-evident to students of politics and we do not propose to argue the point here. We merely assert that British parties and British politics derive much of their ‘style’ from the character of party activists. This being the case, we feel that the relative lack of information about the socialization of activists represents a considerable gap.

Author(s):  
Charlotte Lee

Institutions of cadre training in Zouping have adjusted to the broad transformations that have swept across the party and Chinese society. Changes in cadre training at the local level demonstrate the responsiveness of traditional Leninist organizations, such as grassroots party schools, to a rapidly changing environment. Cadre training has fragmented, and there now exist myriad providers of services that compete and complement the work of party schools. Party schools have responded to competition by diversifying their portfolio of activities. This indicates that there is adaptive capacity within local party organizations, but these organizations must strike a careful balance between the political imperatives of the party and the economic pressures of the market.


1966 ◽  
Vol 60 (3) ◽  
pp. 667-676 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lewis Bowman ◽  
G. R. Boynton

An ongoing political system requires a continuing process of recruitment in order to maintain the small but active cadre of citizens who assume the primary responsibility for the operation of the system. These political activists are involved in recruiting the official leadership, campaigning for their election, and sometimes serve as governors of the system themselves. In American politics, the recruitment of political activists is effected through processes which political scientists have only recently begun to investigate in depth. Most of the studies of recruitment to positions of political activism have investigated the social backgrounds and the patterns of recruitment of public officials. Not as much attention has been directed toward the personnel who operate the local political party organizations, and the processes of their recruitment. Our data add to the literature about political party activists at the lower echelons of the party organizations by reporting the findings of research conducted among local party officials in selected locales in North Carolina and Massachusetts. These local party officials constitute the lowest level of party officialdom in their respective party organizations. We have investigated the process of their recruitment to their party positions, and have used the data to test a model of political recruitment. Several questions guiding our research included: What are the social correlates of recruitment to local party positions? What are the patterns and channels of recruitment? What triggers political party activism—is there an identifiable “threshold” or “political opportunity structure” which serves as an indicator of political party activism? Are recruitment patterns and channels related to role definitions? We have also examined the relationship between the recruitment pattern of the party worker and his orientation to his job as party worker.


1982 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 103-117
Author(s):  
John J. LaRocca

In a recent article, Caroline M. Hibbard noted that recent work on Tudor-Stuart recusancy has focused on the enforcement of royal and statutory policy on the local level and has examined the social composition of the recusant community. These studies have revealed that the recusant community was not dominated by priests, not subject to the political directives of the papacy, and not plotting rebellion. The problem inherent in these local studies, as Professor Hibbard points out, is that they do not explain why the English were anti-Catholic and they do not examine the international character of the English Catholic Community. This article is an attempt to view the recusant problem from the perspective of the monarch and the privy council, because both monarch and privy council were aware of the international character of Catholicism and both stated clearly in their policies toward recusants the grounds of their objection to the Catholic community. An analysis of the recusancy policy established by Elizabeth between 1559 and 1574 reveals that her primary objection to the recusants was not religious but political. The recusants denied a fundamental claim of the monarch: the headship of the church and, therefore, the claim that the monarch was the source of all power within the realm. This article, then, will examine the ways in which she wished to contain a minority who denied her supreme power in the realm and the circumstances which caused the queen and the council to change that policy.


2017 ◽  
pp. 15-53
Author(s):  
Carolina Arias Hurtado

En el artículo, se realiza una aproximación a la problemática del neoextractivismo en el siglo xxi desde la ecología política en el ámbito regional, nacional y local. En primer lugar, se presenta un panorama sobre las contradicciones del desarrollo neoextractivista en América Latina como expresión de la crisis multidimensional y la necesidad de búsqueda de alternativas. Enseguida, se examina la situación actual del neoextractivismo en Colombia, a partir del reconocimiento de los conflictos socioambientales y las luchas sociales por la justicia ambiental. Por último, se analiza el caso del municipio de Marmato (Colombia), lugar emblemático por la constante defensa del territorio como un patrimonio y un derecho.Palabras clave: neoextractivismo, ecología política, conflictos socioambientales, justicia ambiental. AbstractNeo-extractivism in Latin America and Colombia: a political ecology reflexion In this article an approach is performed to the problematic of neoextractivism in the 21st century at a regional, national and local level from the political ecology view. In the first place, it presents a panorama on the contradictions of the neo-extractivist development in Latin America, as an expression of the multidimensional crisis and the needing to search for alternatives. Next, it examines the current situation of neo-extractivism in Colombia from the * Estudiante del doctorado en Estudios del Desarrollo de la Universidad Autónoma de Zacatecas (México). Correo electrónico: [email protected] Controversia 207 abril 2018.indd 17 6/25/2018 8:20:18 PM 18 Controversia 208 recognition of the social-environmental conflicts and social struggles for environmental justice. Finally, the paper analyzes the case of the municipality of Marmato (Colombia), emblematic in the defense of the territory as a heritage and a right.Keywords: neo-extractivism, political ecology, social-environmental conflicts, environmental justice.


2011 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-72
Author(s):  
Cristina Jayme Montiel ◽  
Judith M. de Guzman

Using social representations theory, we studied the social meanings of a controversial Memorandum of Agreement (MOA) between the Government of the Republic of the Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. In Study One, we describe the discursive content of the social debate by content analyzing articles from newspapers and selected websites. Study Two uses a survey to examine the fit between social representations of the political elite, as found in media, and the nonelite in Mindanao territories where the MOA was hotly contested. Study Three presents the social representations of the MOA at the local level through analysis of key informant interviews and archival data. Discriminant analysis on survey data shows that in general, the debate of political elites in media mirrors the contentions on-the-ground. However, the issue of constitutionality was only taken up by the political elite. Our findings suggest that the political stumble of the GRP-MILF peace process lay in a lack of procedural fairness and an on-the-ground participatory process acceptable to all antagonistic parties. However, the socially represented fair procedure is not about conventional democratic ways like using or not using a constitutional frame, but rather about pragmatic positioning and public consultations.


1981 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Coles

Robert Coles describes the political socialization of children in a Brazilian favela and how, in the midst of extreme deprivation, they place themselves in the social and political order of their country. He offers, in the children's own words, their acute understanding of the role of religion, the police, and the wealthy in shaping their existence, a"paradoxical combination of weary cynicism and fatuous optimism, and in between, a terrible apprehension of what, finally, must be."


Reviews: The Vision of Politics on the Eve of the Reformation: More Machiavelli and Seyssel, Edmund Burke: His Political Philosophy, The Social Thought of Rousseau and Burke: A Comparative Study, Bentham's Political Thought, in the Interest of the Governed: A Study in Bentham's Philosophy of Utility and Law, Utilitarian Ethics, Utilitarianism for and Against, Hegel's Theory of the Modern State, Socialism since Marx: A Century of the European Left, between Ideals and Reality: A Critique of Socialism and Its Future, The Economics and Politics of Socialism: Collected Essays, James Connolly: Selected Political Writings, The Moral and Political Thought of Mahatma Gandhi, R. H. Tawney and His Times: Socialism as Fellowship, Stalin as a Revolutionary 1879–1929: A Study in History and Personality, Stalin: The Man and His Era, The Morality of Politics, Max Weber and The Theory of Modern Politics, Weber, the Age of Bureaucracy, Perspectives on the Political Sociology of Max Weber, Oxford Essays in Jurisprudence (Second Series), The English Ideology: Studies in the Language of Victorian Politics, The Uses of Ideology, Knowledge and Belief in Politics. The Problem of Ideology, Nationalism: The Nature and Evolution of an Idea, Revolutionaries, Politics in England Today: An Interpretation, Maladministration and its Remedies, The Private Government of Public Money. Community and Policy inside British Politics, the Transport Revolution, Pressure Groups and the Permissive Society, the Political Impact of Mass Media, Belfast: Approach to Crisis: A Study of Belfast Politics, 1613–1970, the Ruling Elites: Elite Theory, Power and American Democracy

1974 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 485-544
Author(s):  
Malcolm Jack ◽  
Robert Wokler ◽  
L. Burkholder ◽  
Raymond Plant ◽  
S. T. Glass ◽  
...  

1974 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Littlewood

Weingrod, writing of Sardinia, distinguishes between ‘patronage’ in the social anthropological sense of “patron-client relationships” —”how persons of unequal authority, yet linked through ties of interest and friendship, manipulate their relationships in order to attain their ends”; and ‘patronage’ in the political scientist's sense of “party-directed patronage”—”the ways in which party politicians distribute public jobsor special favours in exchange for electoral support”. Weingrod goes on to argue that the former conception is no longer relevant to an analysis of modern Sardinian political behaviour: with the narrowing of the gap between village, city and state, and the evolution of national parties at the local level, the conception of party-directed patronage is more appropriate.


1983 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-216 ◽  
Author(s):  
R Forrest

The notion of a property-owning democracy has exerted considerable influence on contemporary British politics. Much of the political and theoretical debate has focussed on the social divisions between owners and renters. This paper explores the connections between mass home ownership and the relations of production. It is argued that meanings, attitudes, and material interests are highly varied between different types of owner occupation and that basic class divisions are being reshaped, rather than fundamentally transformed, by the restructuring of housing tenures.


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