How far right local party organizations develop

2016 ◽  
Vol 23 (6) ◽  
pp. 804-820 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonis A Ellinas ◽  
Iasonas Lamprianou
Keyword(s):  
Organizational Development ◽  
National Level ◽  
Organizational Outcomes ◽  
Party Organization ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Party Leadership ◽  
Party Organizations ◽  
Unique Data ◽  
Local Party

The literature on far right parties emphasizes the importance of party organization for electoral persistence. Yet, a lot is still unknown about the organizational development of these parties. This article examines the microdynamics of organizational development and explores why some party organizations succeed and others fail. It focuses on the local rather than the national level and analyzes grassroots activities rather than party leadership, institutions, or members. To analyze organizational development, the article uses an original and unique data set of 3594 activities of the Greek Golden Dawn (GD) supplemented by interviews with the GD leadership and activists as well as with evidence from hundreds of newspaper reports. It uses this evidence to trace local party activism and to document variation in local organizational outcomes. To account for why some local party organizations succeed or fail, it suggests that, rather than solely following electoral logic, the organizational development of far right parties also relates to the way they respond to challenges from antifascist groups and state authorities.

scholarly journals Attitudes and opinions of Italian middle-level elites in the new millennium. Adaptation, innovation, or persistence?

2017 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-42
Author(s):  
Paola Bordandini ◽  
Rosa Mulé
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Belief System ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
Middle Level ◽  
Three Dimensions ◽  
National Party ◽  
Party Change ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Party Organizations ◽  
Unique Data

The literature on party politics has generally conceived of party change as party adaptation. Building on the theories of institutional change based on critical juncture analysis, our work contributes to the literature in two ways. Theoretically, by unpacking the concept of party change in three dimensions: adaptation, innovation, and persistence. This multidimensionality has been unduly neglected in the literature, too exclusively focussed on party adaptation. Empirically, the article analyses whether the attitudes and opinions of middle-level elites reveal adaptation, innovation, or persistence in their belief system at the beginning of the third millennium. Drawing upon a unique data set of national party delegates of 15 Italian political parties, regression results suggest that high entry barriers in party organizations may hinder Schumpeterian innovation.

When do candidates attack in election campaigns? Exploring the determinants of negative candidate messages in German televised debates

2015 ◽  
Vol 23 (5) ◽  
pp. 549-559 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jürgen Maier ◽  
Carolin Jansen
Keyword(s):  
National Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Multivariate Models ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Unique Data ◽  
Content Analyses ◽  
Negative Messages ◽  
Strategic Context ◽  
Televised Debates

Content analyses of televised debates indicate that candidates often attack each other. Unfortunately, we know very little about when candidates go negative. Furthermore, most research is focusing on the United States. This paper contributes in several ways to our understanding of when candidates choose negative messages. First, we identify some previously unnoticed factors and assign them to three broad categories: a candidate’s (personal and political) profile, the debate format, and the strategic context of a debate. Second, we use a unique data set based on all German televised debates. Third, we run multivariate models to investigate which variables are responsible for the use of attacks. Our results indicate that attacks are very popular. Candidates attack if they belong to the opposition, if they compete at the national level, and if they are behind in the polls. In addition, personality can affect the use of attacks.

Political Schizophrenics? Factors Affecting Aggregate Partisan Choice at the Local Versus National Level

2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica Trounstine
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
National Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Federal System ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Factors Affecting ◽  
Unique Data ◽  
Party Strength ◽  
Different Levels

In a sample of 12 states across all regions of the United States, I find that one of every three counties supports a different party for president than for its local legislature. I use a unique data set containing partisan affiliations of county councillors to analyze contexts that might lead voters to choose different parties at different levels of government. I find support for three explanations of representational splits: incomplete realignment, local electoral factors, and differentials in party strength. This article takes a step toward understanding how parties and partisan identities operate in a federal system.

Local Politics in Japan

Asian Survey ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 56 (5) ◽  
pp. 879-904 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ken Victor Leonard Hijino
Keyword(s):  
Local Politics ◽  
National Policy ◽  
Party Leadership ◽  
Policy Initiatives ◽  
Party Organizations ◽  
Local Party

In recent years, the Japanese conservatives’ dominance in local politics appears to be less of an asset, as traditional analyses claim, and more of a liability. This article argues that the LDP’s entrenched local party organizations have become a restraint on party leadership in pursing key national policy initiatives.

scholarly journals Conflict regulation in political parties

2016 ◽  
Vol 23 (6) ◽  
pp. 834-847 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicole Bolleyer ◽  
Felix-Christopher von Nostitz ◽  
Valeria Smirnova
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Judicial Politics ◽  
Set Covering ◽  
Party Organization ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Party Leadership ◽  
Organizational Stability ◽  
Conflict Regulation

Independent party tribunals (i.e. intra-party courts) can be used by both the party leadership (e.g. to discipline members) and rank-and-file members (e.g. to challenge the leadership overstepping its authority). Thus, their study offers broad insights into party conflict regulation we know little about. Integrating the literatures on party organization, intra-party democracy and judicial politics, we propose two theoretical rationales to account for tribunal decision-making (whether a case finds tribunal support): tribunal decision-making can be theorized as shaped by elite-member divisions or, alternatively, by how verdicts affect the tribunal’s own position in the organization and organizational stability generally. We test hypotheses derived from these rationales using a new data set covering 243 tribunal decisions made over the life spans of three German parties. While both rationales are empirically relevant, the ‘organizational stability rationale’ proves particularly insightful.

Canvassing, Turnout and Party Support: An Experiment

1971 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 257-269 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. M. Bochel ◽  
D. T. Denver
Keyword(s):  
Important Influence ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Other ◽  
Party Organization ◽  
Party Organizations ◽  
Local Organizations ◽  
Field State ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Party Support ◽  
Local Party

The contribution made by the efforts of local party organizations to the results of elections is much disputed. Butler and Rose, writing on the 1959 General Election, whilst conceding that ‘In seats with a majority of a few hundreds it would be absurd to deny that local organizations can make all the difference to the result’, nevertheless conclude that‘… if all constituency electioneering were abandoned, the national outcome would probably be little altered.’ Similarly, J. W. Grove in his editor's preface to Constituency Electioneering in Britain by D. A. Kavanagh, says, ‘It is clear that although many candidates and party workers derive considerable personal psychic satisfaction from the campaign, their efforts have little if any effect on the outcome.’ On the other hand, however, the authors of a recent study of party organization in a London constituency during the election of 1964, though they confess that ‘… it is impossible for us to say to what degree Labour's victory was tied to the more effective and more efficient campaign organization which the party was able to put into the field’, state in conclusion, ‘… but our research strongly suggests that organization was an important influence in the 1964 election in Baron's Court’.

Big Democracy

2019 ◽  
pp. 99-127
Author(s):  
Joel Andreas
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Cultural Revolution ◽  
Party Organization ◽  
Party Leadership ◽  
Rebel Groups ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Local Party ◽  
The Cultural Revolution

Chapter 5 recounts the initial upheavals of the Cultural Revolution, when Mao called on workers to form “rebel” organizations to challenge the authority of the party leadership in their factories. Mao called this unbridled political participation “Big Democracy,” which he contrasted to more civil and institutionalized forms. By fomenting a movement independent of the party organization and loyal to no one but himself, Mao was able to introduce greater autonomy into mass supervision, with lasting consequences for cadre behavior. Local party cadres were criticized for abusing their power, seeking privileges, suppressing criticism from below, isolating themselves from the masses, and governing in a bureaucratic fashion. Virtually all were thrown out of office, and rebel groups were invited to help decide who among them were fit to be rehabilitated. After the party organization was paralyzed, however, factories polarized into rebel and conservative camps and the country descended into increasingly violent factional contention.

Regionalism and the Rise of the Populist Far Right in India

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul D. Kenny
Keyword(s):  
National Level ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
Recent Experience ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Indian Politics ◽  
National Office ◽  
System P ◽  
Heads Of State

This chapter addresses India’s more recent experience of populism at the national level. While India has avoided a return to authoritarianism since the Emergency, populism has been a recurrent feature of Indian politics. The persistence of divided party rule between the national and subnational levels has meant an uneasy tension between two different modes of political mobilization for national office. National–subnational coalitions based on the distribution of pork have undergirded several Congress party governments. However, such coalitions remain inherently unstable given the autonomy of India’s subnational unit, and they are vulnerable to outflanking by populist appeals over the heads of state governments. The electoral success of the BJP under Modi in 2014 illustrates the appeal of populist mobilization in a vertically fragmented patronage-based system.

scholarly journals Microfinance and Vulnerability to Seasonal Famine in a Rural Economy: Evidence from Monga in Bangladesh

2020 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Claudia Berg ◽  
M. Shahe Emran
Keyword(s):  
Food Security ◽  
Rural Economy ◽  
Screening Process ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Estimation Strategy ◽  
Positive Effects ◽  
Unique Data ◽  
Primary Mechanism ◽  
Poor Households ◽  
Microfinance Institution

AbstractThis paper uses a unique data set on 143,000 poor households from Northern Bangladesh to analyze the effects of microfinance membership on a household’s ability to cope with seasonal famine known as Monga. We develop an identification and estimation strategy that exploits a jump and a kink at the 10-decimal land ownership-threshold driven by the Microfinance Institution screening process to ensure repayment by excluding the ultra-poor. Evidence shows that microfinance membership improves food security during Monga, especially for the poorest households who survive at the margin of one and two meals a day. The positive effects on food security are, however, not driven by higher income, as microcredit does not improve the ability to migrate for work, nor does it reduce dependence on distress sale of labor. The evidence is consistent with consumption smoothing being the primary mechanism behind the gains in food security of MFI households during the season of starvation.

scholarly journals Microfinance and Vulnerability to Seasonal Famine in a Rural Economy: Evidence from Monga in Bangladesh

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Claudia Berg ◽  
M. Shahe Emran
Keyword(s):  
Food Security ◽  
Rural Economy ◽  
Screening Process ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Estimation Strategy ◽  
Positive Effects ◽  
Unique Data ◽  
Primary Mechanism ◽  
Poor Households ◽  
Microfinance Institution

AbstractThis paper uses a unique data set on 143,000 poor households from Northern Bangladesh to analyze the effects of microfinance membership on a household's ability to cope with seasonal famine known as Monga. We develop an identification and estimation strategy that exploits a jump and a kink at the 10 decimal land ownership-threshold driven by the Microfinance Institution (MFI) screening process to ensure repayment by excluding the ultra-poor. Evidence shows that microfinance membership improves food security during Monga, especially for the poorest households who survive at the margin of one and two meals a day. The positive effects on food security are, however, not driven by higher income, as microcredit does not improve the ability to migrate for work, nor does it reduce dependence on distress sale of labor. The evidence is consistent with consumption smoothing being the primary mechanism behind the gains in food security of MFI households during the season of starvation.

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