Modal Verb Categories in Medical Abstracts 1

2020 ◽  
pp. 75-92
Author(s):  
Elena Quintana-Toledo ◽  
Margarita Esther Sánchez Cuervo
Keyword(s):  
2019 ◽  
pp. 150-165
Author(s):  
Francisco Alonso-Almeida ◽  
Francisco J. Álvarez-Gil
Keyword(s):  

Virittäjä ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 124 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anu Rouhikoski

Artikkelissa tarkastellaan nollapersoonaisen modaaliverbirakenteen käyttöä direktiivinä (esim. tämä hakemus pitäs vielä täyttää). Aineistona on 11,5 tuntia Kansaneläkelaitoksen eli Kelan toimistoissa videolle tallennettuja aitoja asiakaspalvelutilanteita, 131 yksittäistä tilannetta. Aineistossa esiintyvät neljä virkailijaa ovat noin 30-vuotiaita; asiakkaiden ikä vaihtelee noin 18 ja 80 vuoden välillä. Analyysi osoittaa, että nollapersoonan referenssi on ainakin muodollisesti avoin ja Kelan tilanteissa se usein kattaa sekä paikalla olevan asiakkaan että muut samassa tilanteessa olevat ihmiset. Siten nollapersoonalla ilmaistaan eksplisiittisesti, että kaikkia kohdellaan samoin säännöin eikä asiakkaalta vaadita mitään poikkeuksellista. Se ikään kuin perustelee itse itsensä. Modaaliverbi (esim. kannattaa, pitää, täytyä, voida) puolestaan tuo lausumaan jonkin keskustelun ulkoisen velvoitteen. Aineistossa nollapersoonaisia modaaliverbidirektiivejä käytetään usein silloin, kun virkailija ei käsittele itsestään selvänä, että asiakas tulee noudattamaan saamaansa direktiiviä, vaan direktiiviin liittyy epävarmuustekijöitä. Näitä ovat arkaluonteisuus, erilinjaisuus, toiminnon aiheuttama vaiva tai toiminnon uutuus vuorovaikutustilanteessa. Nollapersoonainen modaaliverbidirektiivi ottaa hienovaraisesti huomioon toimintoon liittyvät epävarmuustekijät mutta osoittaa silti toiminnon olevan tilanteessa tarpeellinen. Nollapersoonalausumia verrataan artikkelissa toiseen direktiivityyppiin, 2. persoonan modaaliverbilausumiin (esim. tää sun pitäs kuitenki täyttää vielä). Niissäkin modaaliverbi välittää tilanteen ulkopuolelta tulevan käskyn, mutta lausuma rajataan koskemaan ainoastaan yhtä asiakasta ja hänen velvollisuutensa tehdään näkyviksi. 2. persoonan modaaliverbidirektiiveillä annetaan yleensä lisäohjeita jo meneillään olevassa prosessissa tai toistetaan jokin jo annettu direktiivi. Lisäksi niitä käytetään yleensä vain silloin, kun asiakas on virkailijaa nuorempi, kun taas nollapersoonadirektiivejä esitetään kaikenikäisille asiakkaille.   Zero-person subjects and modal verbs in directives: a study of employees at the Social Insurance Institution of Finland  The article analyses the directive use of a Finnish zero person + modal verb construction, e.g. tämä hakemus pitäs vielä täyttää (‘one should fill in this application form’). The data comprises 11.5 hours of service encounters videotaped at the offices of the Social Insurance Institution of Finland (in Finnish: Kansaneläkelaitos = Kela), 131 encounters in total. The four employees in these encounters are all in their thirties, while their clients are between 18–80 years of age. The referent of a zero-person construction is formally open, and in the service encounters analysed here its referent is often not only the client but anyone else who finds themselves in a similar situation. Therefore, the zero person explicitly expresses the notion that all clients are treated in an equal manner. The modal verb (e.g. pitää, täytyä ‘must, have to, should’; voida ‘be able to’; kannattaa ‘be worthwhile’) denotes an obligation that comes from outside the situation at hand. The analysis of the data indicates that a zero person + modal verb construction is often used when the directive involves contingencies, such as delicacy, disalignment, imposition, or a previously undiscussed action. The zero person + modal verb construction displays the speaker’s orientation towards contingencies but also indicates the necessity of the action in question. The zero-person construction stands in contrast to another directive construction, that of the 2nd-person subject + modal verb (e.g. tää sun pitäs kuitenki täyttää vielä ‘you should still fill in this one’). The modal verb conveys an external obligation, but the 2nd-person pronoun refers to one sole person and makes explicit his/her responsibilities. This construction is mainly used when reformulating a previous directive or giving additional advice. Moreover, it is usually only used when addressing younger clients, whereas the zero-person construction is suitable to clients of all ages.


Author(s):  
Lieven Danckaert

This chapter addresses the question of which syntactic environment constitutes the most reliable source of information on variable object placement in Latin. The relevance of this question is illustrated by showing that very different results are obtained when one compares the rate of VO in two different syntactic contexts, namely clauses with a single synthetic verb and clauses with a modal verb and a dependent infinitive. It is argued that the OV/VO alternation is best studied to clauses with more than one verb, as in such clauses, more object positions can be unambiguously identified. The final part of the chapter is devoted to the phrase structure analysis of clauses with the modals possum ‘be able’ and debeo ‘have to’. These structures are argued to constitute monoclausal domains, in which the modals are raising predicates that originate in functional heads in the extended projection of lexical verbs.


2005 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 313-323 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peggy F. Jacobson ◽  
Richard G. Schwartz

Grammatical measures that distinguish language differences from language disorders in bilingual children are scarce. This study examined English past tense morphology in sequential bilingual Spanish/English-speaking children, age 7;0–9;0 (years;months). Twelve bilingual children with language impairment (LI) or history of LI and 15 typically developing (TD) bilingual children participated. Thirty-six instances of the past tense including regular, irregular, and novel verbs were examined using an elicited production task. By examining English past tense morphology in sequential bilinguals, we uncovered similarities and differences in the error patterns of TD children and children with LI. The groups differed in the overall accuracy of past tense use according to verb type, as well as the characteristic error patterns. Children with LI performed lower than their TD peers on all verb categories, with an interaction between verb type and group. TD children were better at producing regular verbs and exhibited more productive errors (e.g., overregularization). Conversely, children with LI performed relatively better on irregular verbs and poorest on novel verbs, and they exhibited more nonproductive errors (e.g., bare stem verbs). The results have important clinical implications for the assessment of morphological productivity in Spanish-speaking children who are learning English sequentially.


2009 ◽  
Vol 62 (1-2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mati Erelt

AbstractThe paper presents a concise overview of the main syntactic features of Estonian. It deals with basic clause patterns, case marking of arguments, verbs and verb categories, non-verbal predication, word order, expression of speech acts and negation, noun phrases, p-phrases, subordinate clauses, and coordination.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-219 ◽  
Author(s):  
José Luis Blas Arroyo

AbstractBased on a corpus composed entirely of texts close to the pole of communicative immediacy, mainly private letters from the sixteenth, eighteenth and twentieth centuries (c. 1960), this paper analyses the results of a variationist study on the historical evolution undergone by the Spanish modal periphrases with three distinct auxiliary verbs (haber, tener, deber). Using the heuristic tools of the comparative method, the data show that variation has been constrained by a handful of common factor groups over almost five centuries. Nonetheless, with the odd exception, these factors have conditioned each verb in a different way. Moreover, the sense of this variation changes as time goes by, with especially relevant reorganisation in the first part of the twentieth century. Furthermore, there is a notable association between these constraints and the degree of markedness and the frequency of the conditioning contexts, giving support to a usage-based approach to language change in which cognitive processes such as entrenchment play a decisive role. These data also allow a particular profile to be traced for each modal verb in the history of Spanish, in which tener and haber finally undergo a complementary distribution, whereas deber follows a different pattern. After several centuries of stagnation, tener becomes the star in the deontic firmament of spontaneous communication, diffusing abruptly as a change from below in the twentieth century, and replacing haber, which had been the unmarked variant for centuries.


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