European Union or Kingdom of the Antichrist? Protestant apocalyptic narratives and European unity

Author(s):  
Brent F. Nelsen ◽  
James L. Guth
2017 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 479-499 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victoria Harms

This article is part of the special section titled The Genealogies of Memory, guest edited by Ferenc Laczó and Joanna Wawrzyniak This article investigates the evolution of Hungary’s memory of 1956, from the counterrevolution to the dissident struggle for rehabilitation in the eighties, its relation to the change of regimes in 1989, and its subsequent appropriation for nationalist purposes in defiance of a European memory regime. Mnemonic warriors like Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and historian Mária Schmidt have championed 1956 as a struggle for freedom and independence and symbols of Hungarian martyrdom and bravery. Only recently a new-found Central European unity in adversity has been observed: the “counterrevolution” against the European Union. Perusing interviews, samizdat articles, public appeals and speeches, and other documentary evidence, including historical analyses, this article identifies mnemonic actors and strategies to assess the intricate relationship between 1956 and 1989. The analysis of museum exhibitions, statues, monuments, and national symbols helps reveal the varying significance ascribed to 1956 before and after 1989. The study relies on the conceptual groundwork of Michael Bernhard and Jan Kubik. It contributes to arguments put forth by historians James Mark, Anna Seleny, Nora Borodziej, and Árpád von Klimó.


Author(s):  
Paul Craig

This chapter traces the development of what is now the EU. It first describes the origins of ideas of European unity. It then discusses the various treaties that paved the way towards broader European integration. These include the European Coal and Steel Community Treaty of 1951,the Single European Act 1986, the Treaty on European Union (TEU) of 1992, and the Lisbon Treaty of 2009. Next, the chapter turns to the impact of the global financial crisis on the EU and considers several theories of integration.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 10-23
Author(s):  
Silvério Rocha-Cunha ◽  
Marco António Martins

It is important to analyze the dimension of the European crisis that today feels inserted within the framework of the dimension of technocracy and the possibility of a European ethos, taking into account the emerging dilemmas of democracy around the search for European unity and technoscientific development  


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-119
Author(s):  
Violeta Motulaitė

The initiative of the Conference on the Future of Europe (CFE) stems out of the necessity to re-evaluate the European Union project after the Brexit, the wave of populism and nationalism and the changing geopolitical environment in the world, as well as to reflect upon the European unity ten years after the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty. As mentioned in this Franco – German initiative, it was meant to address all issues at stake and guide the future of Europe with a view to turning the EU more united and sovereign. It should have focused on policies and it should have identified the main reforms to be implemented as a matter of priority in each block of policies, setting out the types of changes to be made. The current public health crisis has redefined the problems and priorities of the EU. Some issues have become less topical, some have remained relevant and some have emerged as high priorities only now.


1957 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 90-105
Author(s):  
Michael P. Fogarty

“So then,” to quote the unforgettable Stephen Leacock, translating from the Greek, “the mighty hero Ajax leapt (better: was propelled from behind) into the fight.” Here is the paradox of British attitudes toward European unity. On the one hand, Britain has been a member or close associate of nearly all the European institutions so far brought into being. The first important moves in the defense of Europe after the Second World War were the Dunkirk Treaty (1947) between Britain and France, and the Brussels Treaty (1948) between these two countries and Benelux. A few years later the European Defense Community was being discussed, and Britain promised what amounted to little less than membership of it. When E.D.C. collapsed and Western European Union took its place, Britain joined W.E.U. and undertook to keep on the mainland of Europe its main ground force and tactical air force. These forces are not to be withdrawn from the mainland against the wishes of a majority of the W.E.U. powers.


2015 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-237 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katherine B. Aaslestad

Given the current challenges to European unity, in particular Russian aggression in Ukraine and dissent in the European Union over economic policy toward Greece, Europeans should remember that, two hundred years ago, they celebrated together a long-awaited peace, as their statesmen collaborated on a lasting settlement to solve territorial questions and ensure international stability. Revisiting the Congress of Vienna, however, is not an exercise in nostalgia. New works on the Congress underscore the critical international stakes in 1814 and 1815, following two decades of war and revolution, and reveal the complexity of the negotiations, political goals, and the unsettled nature of postwar Europe. The Congress was so successful in solving the existential problems of Europe that Europeans would not fight a comparable war against each other for another century—until the Great War in 1914. The challenges that Europe faced in the twentieth century suggest, in fact, that the type of collaborative diplomacy developed at the Vienna Congress remains essential to limit conflict.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 307-327
Author(s):  
Andrzej Chodubski

Abstract The study indicates that contemporary migration movements of the population in Europe are typical of the cultural and civilizational development of the world. Their main cause involves the problem of meeting needs, especially in terms of money and living. The institutions of the European Union, which stress the guarantee of the rights of a human and a citizen, attach significant importance to them. The location of immigrants is different in various European countries. The experience of the past plays an important role in this respect (migration tradition of states and nations). In terms of the recognition of the principle of the EU that European unity is formed by its cultural diversity, migrants (immigrants and emigrants) are subject to the general processes of cultural and civilizational transformation.


conexus ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 196-211
Author(s):  
Malcolm MacLaren

The European Union (EU) is the latest in a long line of failed attempts at European unity. Motivated by adverse experience, its founders proscribed a political and legal form for ‘Europe’, and their followers have sought to impose order and to effect integration. As predictable as the attempt has been the failure (attested by the frequent, complex, unresolved crises). It is not merely that the circumstances, conditions, and concerns have markedly changed (and continue to change) over time; it is more that ‘Europe’ cannot be successfully subjected to such schemes. Considered constructively, the experience of the EU offers insights into the process of constituting a polity. The first and last is the insight that unification is an iterative process, not an outcome; an ‘ever closer union’ is not an end state (literally or figuratively). These lie partly in the inescapably contextual nature of attempts at unifying Europe, each attempt being contingent on the circumstances etc. prevailing. A common will to order and belief in societal malleability may be present at particular periods among particular European elites (be they driven by functionalism, megalomania, or otherwise). However, determinative is the reality that no such schemes are realizable. The political and legal forms that might be suitable to the challenge of constituting the polity exceed our cognitive grasp. ‘Europe’ is too untidy and too fissiparous to be ruled through deliberation. Invariably, the best-laid plans of European statesmen have gone, and will go, awry. In this essay, I consider the meaning of European unification, not so much according to the normative or empirical details of given attempts, as according to the epistemological magnitude of repeated failures. In the way of conclusion, I will pointedly not propose a way out of the contemporary crises etc. or an own project for European unity.


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 54-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Teemu Häkkinen ◽  
Miina Kaarkoski

It is not a coincidence that perceptions of sovereignty were key reasons why the United Kingdom referendum on European Union membership ended in a victory for the Leave side. In this article, we will apply methods of conceptual history to parliamentary debates in order to trace the development of sovereignty as a political concept in Europe-related debates through studies of four periods between 1945 and 2016. We will show that both supporters and opponents of European unity deliberately used the British position on sovereignty in political struggles throughout the analyzed period. The concept was used above all to describe the traditional view of the supremacy of British parliamentary sovereignty, but it was also used for different purposes to create a perception of how sovereignty could or could not be modified in dealing with an integrating Europe.


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