A Vindication of the Conduct of the House of Representatives of the Province of the Massachusetts-Bay: More Particularly. In the Last Session of the General Assembly

2020 ◽  
pp. 191-191
Author(s):  
James Otis
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
Massachusetts Bay

Georgia's Proposed New Constitution

1945 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 459-463
Author(s):  
Albert B. Saye
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Attorney General ◽  
Public Affairs ◽  
The State ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
Court Of Appeals ◽  
University Of Georgia ◽  
The People ◽  
Speaker Of The House ◽  
The Government

Fully as interesting as the provisions of the proposed new constitution that will be submitted to the voters of Georgia at a special election on August 7, 1945, is the method by which the document was framed. The constitution of the state now in force, adopted in 1877 soon after the state was freed from carpet-bag rule, is a long and complicated document, filled with detailed limitations on the government, particularly in the field of finance. As a result of the inclusion of numerous provisions statutory in nature, the document has been amended three hundred and one times in a period of sixty-eight years. Recognizing the need for a new constitution, the Institute of Public Affairs of the University of Georgia drew up A Proposed Constitution for Georgia in 1931. This document proposed a thorough revision of the structure of the government, including such radical changes as the substitution of 30 districts for the existing 161 counties as the basis of representation in the General Assembly. The widespread publicity given the document served to stimulate interest in constitutional revision, and most of the press of the state, notably the Atlanta Journal, has in recent years actively supported the movement.In March, 1943, the General Assembly passed a resolution, sponsored by Governor Ellis Arnall, providing for a commission of twenty-three members to revise the constitution. The commission was to be composed of the governor, the president of the senate, the speaker of the house of representatives, three members of the senate appointed by the president, five members of the house appointed by the speaker, a justice of the supreme court designated by the court, a judge of the court of appeals designated by the court, the attorney general, the state auditor, two judges of the superior courts, three practicing attorneys-at-law, and three laymen to be appointed by the governor. The resolution provided that the report of this commission should be submitted to the General Assembly either in the form of proposed amendments to the constitution or as a proposed new constitution, to be acted upon by the General Assembly and submitted to the people for ratification or rejection.

The Reference Committee of the Ohio House of Representatives

1940 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 306-310
Author(s):  
Roscoe Baker
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Good Faith ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
Legal Effect ◽  
First Time

In 1921, the House of Representatives of the Ohio General Assembly established a committee of eight members whose duty it was to scan all bills introduced for the purpose of determining whether they were frivolous or irrelevant, not introduced in good faith, or duplications of existing law. When this committee had satisfied itself on these points, bills were to be reported back to the House with recommendations of assignment to appropriate standing committees, thus relieving the speaker of this particular duty. In 1929, the rule covering the functions of this Reference Committee was amended so as to permit it to recommend changes, combine bills, and give its approval to “the form and legal effect” of bills. Other changes in 1937 and 1939 dealt with the number of members serving on the committee, and allowed the committee eight legislative days, instead of six, for disposing of bills. The rule under which the committee now functions is as follows:“When a bill has been read the first time, it shall be referred to the Reference Committee for its consideration and report within eight legislative days after such reference. If it be apparent to said committee that any bill is of a frivolous nature, or that it was not introduced in good faith, or that it is a duplication of a House bill, or can easily be handled as an amendment to a House bill already introduced, or that it is in conflict with or a duplication of an existing statute without making proper provision for the repeal or amendment of such existing statute, said committee shall report said bill back to the House for its return to the author with a notation thereon of the reason for its return.

The Dimensionality of Parliamentary Voting

2019 ◽  
pp. 838-852
Author(s):  
Keith T. Poole
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
Roll Call ◽  
Berlin Wall ◽  
Dimensional Representation ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
One Dimensional ◽  
Technical Issues ◽  
Un General Assembly ◽  
The U.S

The chapter discusses different ways to estimate the dimensionality of roll-call voting data. These methods use data from the U.S. House of Representatives, and the author shows that there were periods when a two-dimensional representation was necessary and others when a one-dimensional representation captures all but a relatively small percentage of the variance. The author then considers data from the UN General Assembly from before the fall of the Berlin Wall, finding a communist vs. anti-communist dimension and a pro- and anti-Israel dimension, as well as data from the French National Assembly early in the 5th Republic that finds a one-dimensional representation fits nearly perfectly. The author then considers some more technical issues about best methods, concluding that there is no foolproof way of determining the “true” dimensionality of a roll-call matrix, and no substitute for substantive understanding of the politics and policy shaping the roll calls.

scholarly journals L. Observation of the transit of Venus, June 6, 1761, at St. John's Newfoundland

1764 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 279-283
Keyword(s):  
General Assembly ◽  
The Sun ◽  
Massachusetts Bay ◽  
Astronomical Instruments ◽  
The World ◽  
The Government

The transit of Venus over the Sun, being a very curious and important phaenomenon, engaged the attention of America as well as Europe. His excellency Francis Bernard, Esq; governor of the Massachusetts-Bay, a gentleman who seizes every opportunity of advancing the sciences, was desirous to have an observation of it in this quarter of the world; and as Newfoundland was the only British plantation where one could be had, proposed to the General Assembly at Boston to make provision for that purpose, which they readily agreed to do. In consequence whereof, I imbarked on board a vessel in the service of the government, taking with me for assistants two young gentlemen my pupils; and such astronomical instruments out of the college apparatus as were necessary. These were, an excellent clock, hadley's octant with nonius divisions; a refracting telescope with wires at half right angles, for taking differences of right asscope, adjusted by cross levels, and having vertical and horizontal wires, for taking correspondent altitudes; or differences of altitudes and azimuths.

Impeachments

2020 ◽  
pp. 289-292
Author(s):  
Richard B. Collins ◽  
Dale A. Oesterle ◽  
Lawrence Friedman
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Majority Vote ◽  
General Assembly

This chapter details Article XIII of the Colorado Constitution, which defines and authorizes impeachments. Section 1 provides that the house of representatives has sole power to impeach officers identified in Section 2, by majority vote of all members. The senate has sole power to try impeachments, conviction to require votes of at least two-thirds “of the senators elected.”. Section 2 provides that the governor and other state and judicial officers are subject to impeachment and removal for “high crimes or misdemeanors or malfeasance in office.” Section 3 authorizes the general assembly to pass laws for removal of “officers not liable to impeachment” for misconduct or malfeasance in office.

Party, Region and the Dimensions of Conflict in the House of Representatives, 1949–1954

1967 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 380-399 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerald Marwell
Keyword(s):  
Factor Analysis ◽  
United Nations ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
Legislative Behavior ◽  
The United Nations

Recent publications indicate a continuing interest among political scientists in both the aggregating of discrete acts of legislative behavior into underlying dimensions and the empirical specification of voting blocs. The latter interest is served by the former, as aggregation often producs sets of dimensions useful for descriptive purposes, as well as aiding other types of analysis. Recent studies include MacRae's work on the House of Representatives using various forms of scaling, Alker's paper on voting patterns in the sixteenth General Assembly of the United Nations using factor analysis, and Grumm's work on the Kansas legislature using another form of factor analysis (Q-technique).As these papers have described in some detail, the technique of factor analysis is particularly useful in producing empirical dimensions which are unitary, stable, exhaustive and parsimonious.

Silence of the Land: On the Historical Irrelevance of Territory to Congressional Districting and Political Representation in the United States

2001 ◽  
Vol 15 (01) ◽  
pp. 53-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Rehfeld
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
The United States ◽  
Representative Government ◽  
Congressional District ◽  
Congressional Districts ◽  
Communities Of Interest

Every ten years, the United States “constructs” itself politically. On a decennial basis, U.S. Congressional districts are quite literally drawn, physically constructing political representation in the House of Representatives on the basis of where one lives. Why does the United States do it this way? What justifies domicile as the sole criteria of constituency construction? These are the questions raised in this article. Contrary to many contemporary understandings of representation at the founding, I argue that there were no principled reasons for using domicile as the method of organizing for political representation. Even in 1787, the Congressional district was expected to be far too large to map onto existing communities of interest. Instead, territory should be understood as forming a habit of mind for the founders, even while it was necessary to achieve other democratic aims of representative government.

A Tribute to the Late William J. Curran

1996 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 274-275
Author(s):  
O. Lawrence ◽  
J.D. Gostin
Keyword(s):  
Mental Health ◽  
Health Care ◽  
Mental Illness ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Mental Health Care ◽  
Harvard University ◽  
Legal Medicine ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
International Institute ◽  
University Professor

In the summer of 1979, a group of experts on law, medicine, and ethics assembled in Siracusa, Sicily, under the auspices of the International Commission of Jurists and the International Institute of Higher Studies in Criminal Science, to draft guidelines on the rights of persons with mental illness. Sitting across the table from me was a quiet, proud man of distinctive intelligence, William J. Curran, Frances Glessner Lee Professor of Legal Medicine at Harvard University. Professor Curran was one of the principal drafters of those guidelines. Many years later in 1991, after several subsequent re-drafts by United Nations (U.N.) Rapporteur Erica-Irene Daes, the text was adopted by the U.N. General Assembly as the Principles for the Protection of Persons with Mental Illness and for the Improvement of Mental Health Care. This was the kind of remarkable achievement in the field of law and medicine that Professor Curran repeated throughout his distinguished career.

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