Journals of the General Assembly of the Mississippi Territory. Journal of the Legislative Council, Second General Assembly, Second Session, October 3-November 19, 1803. Journal of the House of Representatives, Second General Assembly, Second Session, October 3-November 19, 1803.

1942 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 118
Author(s):  
Minnie Clare Boyd ◽  
William D. McCain
2018 ◽  
Vol 217 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-134
Author(s):  
Haydar Shaker Khames ( Ph.D)

      This research deals with the political role of one of the pioneers of American policy in the nineteenth century,  John Caldwell Calhoun, and his ideas and philosophy in addressing the central issues in the domestic and foreign policy of the United States of America by virtue of the important sites that filled namely: Member of the Legislative Council of the State of South Carolina between 1807-1811 , a member of the House of Representatives between 1811-1817, Secretary of the Treasury between 1817 - 1825, Vice President between 1825-1832, a member of the Senate between 1833-1850, Foreign Minister between 1844-1845.


1945 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 459-463
Author(s):  
Albert B. Saye

Fully as interesting as the provisions of the proposed new constitution that will be submitted to the voters of Georgia at a special election on August 7, 1945, is the method by which the document was framed. The constitution of the state now in force, adopted in 1877 soon after the state was freed from carpet-bag rule, is a long and complicated document, filled with detailed limitations on the government, particularly in the field of finance. As a result of the inclusion of numerous provisions statutory in nature, the document has been amended three hundred and one times in a period of sixty-eight years. Recognizing the need for a new constitution, the Institute of Public Affairs of the University of Georgia drew up A Proposed Constitution for Georgia in 1931. This document proposed a thorough revision of the structure of the government, including such radical changes as the substitution of 30 districts for the existing 161 counties as the basis of representation in the General Assembly. The widespread publicity given the document served to stimulate interest in constitutional revision, and most of the press of the state, notably the Atlanta Journal, has in recent years actively supported the movement.In March, 1943, the General Assembly passed a resolution, sponsored by Governor Ellis Arnall, providing for a commission of twenty-three members to revise the constitution. The commission was to be composed of the governor, the president of the senate, the speaker of the house of representatives, three members of the senate appointed by the president, five members of the house appointed by the speaker, a justice of the supreme court designated by the court, a judge of the court of appeals designated by the court, the attorney general, the state auditor, two judges of the superior courts, three practicing attorneys-at-law, and three laymen to be appointed by the governor. The resolution provided that the report of this commission should be submitted to the General Assembly either in the form of proposed amendments to the constitution or as a proposed new constitution, to be acted upon by the General Assembly and submitted to the people for ratification or rejection.


1940 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 306-310
Author(s):  
Roscoe Baker

In 1921, the House of Representatives of the Ohio General Assembly established a committee of eight members whose duty it was to scan all bills introduced for the purpose of determining whether they were frivolous or irrelevant, not introduced in good faith, or duplications of existing law. When this committee had satisfied itself on these points, bills were to be reported back to the House with recommendations of assignment to appropriate standing committees, thus relieving the speaker of this particular duty. In 1929, the rule covering the functions of this Reference Committee was amended so as to permit it to recommend changes, combine bills, and give its approval to “the form and legal effect” of bills. Other changes in 1937 and 1939 dealt with the number of members serving on the committee, and allowed the committee eight legislative days, instead of six, for disposing of bills. The rule under which the committee now functions is as follows:“When a bill has been read the first time, it shall be referred to the Reference Committee for its consideration and report within eight legislative days after such reference. If it be apparent to said committee that any bill is of a frivolous nature, or that it was not introduced in good faith, or that it is a duplication of a House bill, or can easily be handled as an amendment to a House bill already introduced, or that it is in conflict with or a duplication of an existing statute without making proper provision for the repeal or amendment of such existing statute, said committee shall report said bill back to the House for its return to the author with a notation thereon of the reason for its return.


Author(s):  
Keith T. Poole

The chapter discusses different ways to estimate the dimensionality of roll-call voting data. These methods use data from the U.S. House of Representatives, and the author shows that there were periods when a two-dimensional representation was necessary and others when a one-dimensional representation captures all but a relatively small percentage of the variance. The author then considers data from the UN General Assembly from before the fall of the Berlin Wall, finding a communist vs. anti-communist dimension and a pro- and anti-Israel dimension, as well as data from the French National Assembly early in the 5th Republic that finds a one-dimensional representation fits nearly perfectly. The author then considers some more technical issues about best methods, concluding that there is no foolproof way of determining the “true” dimensionality of a roll-call matrix, and no substitute for substantive understanding of the politics and policy shaping the roll calls.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Timothy J McIvor

<p>This thesis is a biography of John Ballance, New Zealand's first Liberal Premier. It examines his career as journalist and politician, from his arrival in New Zealand and Wanganui in 1866 until his death in 1893. Ballance is viewed from a number of different perspectives: as editor and owner of a 'frontier' town's newspaper, as a prominent Wanganui personality closely involved in promoting local development, as Member of the House of Representatives and, finally, as a national political leader. The first chapter looks briefly at Ballance's early life in the north of Ireland and Birmingham. Chapter two then discusses his arrival in Wanganui, the establishment of the Evening Herald, and his participation in the war against Titokowaru. The following chapter begins with an examination of Ballance's attitude to political and economic issues of the 1870s, in particular his opposition to the provincial system, and ends with his entering Parliament for the first time in 1875. A little over two years later he became Colonial Treasurer in the Grey Government (chapter four). Chapter five covers the period 1879 to 1884, and Ballance's only electoral defeat, in 1881. Chapter six examines the broad base of his liberal philosophy, and shows how its different strands are inter-related, all pointing to a democratic, secular society, with considerable emphasis on individual and national self-reliance. In 1884 Ballance re-entered Parliament, and became Minister of Lands and Native Minister in the Stout-Vogel Government. His activities and initiatives when holding these two portfolios are the subject of chapter seven. Chapters eight and nine lead up to the crucial election of 1890. Ballance, after some initial hesitation, accepted the leadership of the Opposition in 1889. Land reform predominated his campaign at the election. Chapters ten to twelve discuss Ballance in power (1891-93). His major problem was to secure and consolidate the new Liberal regime, in the face of opposition to government measures from the Legislative Council and an alleged withdrawal of capital from the country. Ballance's reaction was to pursue a non-borrowing, self-reliant policy, and to establish a Liberal Federation to organise support for the Government at grass roots level. The conclusion discusses the 'Ballance tradition'.</p>


2001 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 865
Author(s):  
Phil Parkinson

The Treaty of Waitangi conferred upon Her Majesty's new subjects "all the rights andprivileges of British subjects" and that included, in theory, the right to be represented in the infantgovernment. In practice, however, the right of Maori to vote in elections was not taken seriouslyuntil 1858 and the presence of formally elected members in the House of Representatives was not achieved until August 1868. When they did speak in 1868 the first four Maori members spoke inMaori, and no adequate provision was made for the translation of their words, or for the words ofother members to be translated for them. The proceedings of the House were not printed in Maoriand the Maori members' speeches were not translated except when it suited the government of theday.Over the next few decades after 1868 there was only an irregular compliance with the standingorders of the House of Representatives and the Legislative Council that Bills and Acts be prepared inboth Maori and English for the better information of "Her Majesty's subjects of the Native Race".This study traces the extent of the use of the Maori language in the House and in the Council andpoints to a large number of extant Bills and Acts in Maori as well as to the large number whichhave not survived but which are referred to in the New Zealand parliamentary debates. These little-known texts deserve recognition as expressions of legislation in an indigenous tongue reflectingindigenous concerns but they have usually been disregarded in a European-dominated GeneralAssembly.


2022 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 172-181
Author(s):  
Bayu Dwi Anggono ◽  
Rofi Wahanisa

Corruption not only happens in the implementation of legislation or policy (administrative corruption) but also in the process of legislative drafting (state capture). Since the establishment of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), many members of the House of Representatives (DPR), the Regional Legislative Council (DPRD), or government officials have been arrested and convicted of criminal acts due to legislative corruption. In legislative corruption, the actors involved consist of the interest parties and lawmakers. The interest parties attempt to obtain political, economic, and social benefits (supernormal profits) from the formulated legislation. To the same extent, the lawmakers expect the money or other personal benefits from the interest parties in return for the assistance given. Legislative corruption will lead to disorganized policy implementation, loss on the national economy, public distrust of the law-maker institutions, and long-term effect of distrust of law and democracy. Several prevention strategies of legislative corruption can be employed by improving four principles of legislative drafting: management, professionalism, justification, and public participation.


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