scholarly journals Dioclea between Rascia and Byzantium in the first half of the twelfth century

2006 ◽  
pp. 451-466 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tibor Zivkovic

The conflict between Rascia and Dioclea began in the reign of King Bodin of Dioclea (1081-1099) and it was brought to an end during the rule of Stephen Nemanja, Grand Zhupan of Serbia about 1185. The historical sources, primarily the Chronicle of the Priest of Dioclea, give no indication of the causes of this conflict, nor do they explain why Byzantium found it necessary to intervene from time to time in Dioclea or Rascia. Although the family relations of the Rasican and Dioclean dynasties frequently provoked one state to interfere into the internal affairs of the other, they were certainly not the main generator of this century-long conflict. Since it was a process of long duration, it is quite likely that the main cause of the war between Rascia and Dioclea had to do with economic considerations, and the paper discusses this possibility. The rulers of Dioclea wanted to secure the raw materials for the maritime towns, primarily Cataro, which they had acquired around the middle of the eleventh century, and they sought to achieve that by conquest and the expansion of their influence in the inland regions ? in Travounia, Bosnia and Rascia. On the other hand, Serbia had become rapidly more powerful in the early twelfth century, and its rulers sought to impose their control on these maritime towns as nearest centres of commerce and production. During this contest, Byzantium interfered only when the geostrategic stability in the broader territory of the Balkan Peninsula seemed to be brought into question and when Dioclea or Rascia established closer links with the Venetians, Hungarians or Normans, thus jeopardizing its interests. Byzantium looked upon Rascia and Dioclea as its western outposts and was therefore anxious to have a reliable ruler in Rascia, so that it could control the Nis ? Branicevo ? Belgrade route to Hungary. Similarly, a dependable ruler in Doclea was a guarantor of the safety of the theme of Dyrrachion and of unimpeded communication with the remaining Byzantine possessions in the middle part of Dalmatia.

2021 ◽  
pp. arabic cover-english cover
Author(s):  
علي عبد العزيز سيور

يجيب البحث عن إشكالية تتعلق بالعلاقات الأسرية من جهة الاحتكام للأعراف في النفقة والمسكن والملبس وغيرها، مما يترتب على ذلك خلافات تفضي ببعضها إلى المحاكم، وقد تنتهي بالطلاق. وقد هدف البحث إلى : 1 ـ تقديم منظومة معرفية متعلقة بدلالات العشرة بالمعروف من أجل الإسهام في إعادة تشكيل عقلية ناضجة للزوجين تضبط العلاقة بينهما عند الخلاف. 2 ـ تسليط الضوء على أبعاد وحدود المعروف نصًا والمعروف عرفًا في الأسرة. 3 ـ التأكيد على أن العشرة بالمعروف متبادلة بين كل من الزوج والزوجة، لا يقتصر هذا التكليف على واحد دون الآخر. وقد اعتمدت المنهج الاستقرائي عبر جمع الايات القرآنية ذات الصلة وذكر أقوال المفسرين والفقهاء، والمنهج التحليلي في فهم دلالات الألفاظ وتوجيهات المفسرين، والمنهج الاستنباطي بغية الوصول إلى ضوابط جامعة تخدم الهدف العام للبحث، وانتهى البحث إلى مجموعة من النتائج والتوصيات ومنها: اعتبار العرف الذي لا يخالف نصًا شرعيًا قاعدة من القواعد المعتبرة في ضبط العلاقات بين الزوجين. بشرط أن يقع تحت قدرة الزوج وطاقته، وأن يكون مما انتشر بين الناس، وينطبق على الأسرة مثله. القرآن الكريم ـ العشرة بالمعروف – العلاقة الأسرية – الحقوق بين الزوجين – العرف وأثره بين الزوجين. Summary The research answers a problem related to family relations in terms of resorting to customs in alimony, housing, clothing, and others...which results in disputes that may lead to some of them in the courts and may end in divorce. The aim of the research was to 1 - presenting a knowledge system related to the semantics of the good-natured in order to contribute to reshaping a mature mentality of the spouses that controls the relationship between them in the event of disagreement. 2 - and to shed light on the dimensions and limits of what is textually known and what is known by convention in the family. 3 - Emphasis on that good practice is mutual. Between both husband and wife, this assignment is not limited to one without the other. The inductive approach was adopted by collecting the relevant Qur’anic verses and mentioning the sayings of the commentators and jurists, the analytical approach in understanding the semantics of the words and the directives of the interpreters, and the deductive approach in order to reach comprehensive controls that serve the general objective of the research, and the research ended with a set of results and recommendations, including: Considering the custom that does not contradict A legal text is one of the considered rules in controlling relations between spouses. Provided that it falls under the husband’s ability and energy, and that it is something that has spread among people, and applies to the family like him. The Noble Qur’an - Ten Laws - Family Relationship - Rights between spouses - Custom and its effect between spouses.


1879 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-237
Author(s):  
T. E. Colebrooke

It is well known that proper names in the East, and especially among the Mohammadans, follow no such simple rule as that which has long prevailed in modern Europe, where the Christian name or names conferred in infancy and the family name or surnames are usually borne through life, and where it is a matter of suspicion to have an alias. In the East, on the other hand, we hear of persons gathering up in the course of their career a variety of names, and being popularly known by one or other of them at different periods, and to an extent that gives rise to perplexity. This was notably the case among the Arabs in the height of their preeminence. A person might receive a name in his infancy (usually conferred on his birth or at his circumcision), and to this might be added a patronymic, or a name expressive of his paternal or family relations. He might then receive a title expressive of his zeal for the faith, and soubriquets descriptive of his personal qualities or appearance, or the country or town in which he was born or had settled, or the religious sect to which he belonged ; and if he played a part in public life, to all these might be added, as in Europe, a title or titles of dignity; and if he had acquired a reputation as an author, he might assume some name of fancy. These various names or titles might never be united in the same individual, but the combinations are numerous and shifting. Certain rules are observed in their formation or application, but it was a matter of accident by which of these designations a person might be known to his contemporaries, or his name transmitted to modern times.


2002 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 157-180 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefan Jurasinski

TheAnglo-Saxon Chroniclestates that during his 1018 meeting in Oxford with the leading English ecclesiastical and lay authorities, roughly one year after his accession to the throne in England, Cnut agreed to uphold “the laws of Edgar” during his reign. The ultimate outcome of this and subsequent meetings is the code issued at Winchester in 1020, referred to by editorial convention as I and II Cnut. This code contains, respectively, the religious and secular laws of England promulgated under Cnut. The code is contained in four manuscripts in Old English. The earliest are British Library, Cotton Nero A.i and Cambridge, Corpus Christi College (CCCC) 201, both dated to the mid-eleventh century; the latest, Cambridge, Corpus Christi College (CCCC) 383 and British Library, Harley 55, belong to the early twelfth century. Cnut's code reappears in three twelfth-century Norman Latin tracts intended to acquaint French authorities with English law, theInstituta Cnuti, Consiliatio Cnuti, andQuadripartitus. TheLeges Henrici Primi, prepared by the same author as theQuadripartitus, also draws heavily on Cnut's legislation.


2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-188
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Miric ◽  
Nadja Kurtovic-Folic ◽  
Goran Jovanovic

The complex of the Pasini konaci in Vranje, was built in the second half of the 18th century, and it is composed of two buildings. The pasha used to reside in the Selamluk with his entourage, while the Haremluk was a residence of the female part of the family. Due to the continuing use of these two buildings, their architectonic characteristics and historical environment were preserved to a great extent. Nowadays, the Selamluk and Haremluk have been declared the cultural property of great importance for Serbia. The first part of the paper about the Selamluk treated the genesis of spatial organization and architectonic form of the building on the basis of historical sources. This part analyzes the structural and decorative elements of the Selamluka in Vranje as a typical representative of the Balkan Oriental housing architecture. Cultural, historical, artistic and craftsmanship values, based on the material acquired during the field work, were discussed. The detailed study and comparative analysis of the Selamluk characteristics provided a contribution to understanding of specific values in the architectonic evaluation of town structures in this part of the Balkan peninsula.


2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (325) ◽  
pp. 147-159
Author(s):  
Mariusz Snopek

The questions addressed in the present paper concern the family relations of persons deprived of freedomwho – remaining in the prison environment – have been degraded, that is convicts occupying the lowestrung in the informal penitentiary system, so-called victimized prisoners. They make a specific community,rejected and humiliated by other inmates. The necessity to ensure safety to them and help them protecttheir personal characteristics generates difficulties in activities of rehabilitative character.The aim of the research was to show the family relations of people degraded in the prison environment– a subject that has not been studied to date. The method of diagnostic survey was used, including thetechnique of questionnaire and interview. Two original research tools were designed. The research wasconducted within a group of 151 victimized prisoners and 15 correction officers.Good relations with the loved ones, on the other hand, influence the convicts both whole in the penalinstitution and after they leave it. Furthermore, the convicts’ consciousness that they are supported by theirclosest relatives determines their thinking about themselves: they do not feel rejected, which – in the caseof persons degraded in their environment – is of utmost importance.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (supp1) ◽  
pp. 61-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Deusivania Vieira da Silva Falcão ◽  
Maycoln Leoni Martins Teodoro ◽  
Júlia Sursis Nobre Ferro Bucher-Maluschke

In this regard, investigating these aspects might facilitate the evaluation of family relations and the development of interventions that create, keep, restore, or enhance the skills families need to better deal with the disease. Based on this information, the objective of this chapter is to present and discuss investigative research on family cohesion and hierarchy from the perspective of caregiver daughters of elderly with Alzheimer’s in four situations: before the disease, currently, in conflict, and ideally. 32 women caretakers and their respective parents (6 fathers and 26 mothers) diagnosed with possible or probable AD participated in the survey. The instruments used were the Mini-Mental State Examination (MMSE) in an Open Interview with a Semi-Structured Script, and the Family System Test (FAST). We observed that before onset of the disease, the caregivers generally perceived themselves to have more hierarchy than their siblings, χ2(2) = 4.92, p < .10. The current situation showed a greater number of caregivers in higher hierarchical positions than their siblings (72%), and a lesser number of siblings than expected in higher hierarchical positions than the caregivers, χ2(2) = 18.32, p < .001. The ideal representation showed that most caregivers did not want themselves or any of their siblings to have more power than the other (66.7%), χ2(2) = 14.89, p < .001. Comparing conflict representations to ideal representations showed that family members demonstrated lower cohesion in conflict situations than in ideal situations, z = -2.86, p < .01.


1956 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. N. L. Brooke

Few men have ever shown a more sublime faith in the divine origin of their mission than the papal reformers of the eleventh century. They set to work with a ‘modest proposal’ to destroy two of the most intimate and powerful foundations of clerical society: they aimed to abolish simony and with it the lay control of patronage; they tried to destroy the family life of the clergy. From one point of view they were doing only what every policeman does—they were trying to enforce the established law. From another point of view their platform was a devastating social revolution. If we may admire the high idealism of Leo IX, Humbert, Hildebrand and Peter Damian, we must also concede that their work had many victims; the legislation of the eleventh-century Popes on clerical marriage must have produced as many broken homes and personal tragedies as the morals of Hollywood. Both Damian the ascetic and Heloise the deserted wife have a claim on our sympathy as historians; and both found their supporters in their own day. Between the unbending demand for the enforcement of celibacy and the view of the Anonymous of York that it was entirely proper for the clergy to be married there were many possible positions. The Anonymous (writing at the turn of the eleventh and twelfth centuries) was propounding opinions already obsolescent; and clerical marriage found few defenders in the middle and late twelfth century. But if the field narrowed, the subtleties of the problem were more fully appreciated. The twelfth century was an age of growing sophistication in lay circles as well as clerical. Nowhere was this more true than in the world of love and of marriage; in that century (whatever the lot of womankind as a whole) the romantic ideal was born, under whose spell we still live. It is the variety and the subtlety of the view-points which give my subject its interest, and also its intractability. Clerical marriage is an exceedingly delicate topic, though it has not always been delicately treated.


1950 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 474-503 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Yanada

In Japan, since the eleventh or twelfth century, when teachers and students of the tanka (, a short poem) recognized the importance of the teniwoha for expressing thoughts or feelings, its study became a vital part of kagaku (, the study of verse-making). One of the earliest books on the matter, the “ Teniwoha Taigaisyô ” ( ), was said to have been written by Huziwara-Sadaie (, 1162–1241), a well-known poet of the thirteenth century. In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries the study of the teniwoha made further headway, the reason being that the gap between the written and spoken language which had been developing since the eleventh century had widened so much that people found it difficult to understand the tanka of earlier times. There were at this time two groups of people who studied the teniwoha for the art of verse-making; one group was concerned with the tanka, and the other with the renga (, a linked poem) which was then very popular. Although these studies of the teniwoha could be called the origin of the grammatical study of the Japanese language, they were very naive; all that the scholars did was to compile glossaries or reference book for verse-making.


Author(s):  
Emily A. Winkler

Chapter 1 introduces the core argument of the book, which is that twelfth-century writers of history in England accorded more individual responsibility, both causal and moral, to eleventh-century English kings than did their historical sources. In their conquest narratives, the four historians redistribute responsibility away from the English as a collective, revealing proportionally high expectations for English kings. This change, which occurs across the four historians’ diverse genres of writing, arose from their wide reading, experience with Anglo-Norman rule, and the precedents for foreign kings of England set by the Danish and Norman Conquests of the eleventh century. The chapter examines the nature of explanation in twelfth-century historical narratives (including the role of fortune and Providence), outlines the careers of the four writers (William of Malmesbury, Henry of Huntingdon, John of Worcester, and Geffrei Gaimar), and provides an overview of each writer’s approach to narrating the English past.


1995 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 129-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Gillingham

I Shall be considering England during the long eleventh century—from the 990s, the Battle of Maldon and Byrhtferth of Ramsey's ‘life of Oswald’, to the 1130s, die world of Geoffrey Gaimar. I shall do so in the light of a situation where, on the one hand, historians of Anglo-Saxon England commonly refer to gentlemen and gentry in their period but do so casually, as though their presence there is something to be taken for granted, and, on the other, where scholars who regard themselves as historians of the gentry seem reluctant to admit that the phenomenon they study can have existed much before 1200, if then. In the first part of this paper I shall argue that there was a gentry in eleventh-century England, that below the great lords there were many layers of society whose members shared the interests and pursuits of the great, i.e. we should accept the terminology of historians of Anglo-Saxon England from Sir Frank Stenton onwards. I shall also argue that in all probability many vigorous members of die Anglo-Saxon gentry were knights, using the word ‘knight’ to mean the kind of person whom, in the late twelfth century, Richard FitzNigel described as an active knight (strenuus miles), i.e. someone whose characteristic and indispensable possessions were his body armour and the requisite horses


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